FACTS AND PROGRESS. 467 It matters, however, nothing what might be the object of the framers of the bill, inasmuch as that some such measure has been long required by the Church. If, however, the alleged object be the true one, that object will not be accomplished by the bill in question, as it expressly leaves the real question at issue exactly where it was, for it provides "that nothing in this act shall be construed so as to affect the indelible character of holy orders." Now this is exactly the thing which we wish to see effected; and in our view all others are valueless, save on private and personal grounds. The doctrine itself is a relic, and a very significant one, of Popery. It is a part of that series which takes to itself the title of Sacramental Grace, and which establishes the notion that some change, ex opere operato, is realized by the hands of priest or bishop, in whatever they lay their hands upon. A protest against this popish opinion ought to be made from one end of the kingdom to the other. Genuine Romanists only laugh at our inconsistent pretensions; and many not very strong, but properly reasoning minds, are hurried over the border by it. We have often pointed out what is really wanted, and we will take this opportunity of again briefly stating it; we require, first, a means of relieving the Church from unfit, unworthy, and incompetent ministers. Many of them would be glad to go if the way were only smoothed a little for them, and the Church would be all the better for their departure. There should be some means of making this a punishment. In some grave and heinous cases the offending clerk should be deprived of his orders, and solemnly degraded. The Church absolutely requires this power as a necessary portion of her discipline. The criminal clergyman may be deprived of his living; his curacy may be taken away from him; and if he have no private means, he may be starved or sent to the workhouse; but he remains still a Clergyman, a blot on the escutcheon of the Establishment, a disgrace to his cloth, a scandal to true Christians, and an eyesore to the faith. Again, how many cases are there in which the man himself feels his unfitness for his office. But what is he to do? He cannot enter into any other. All trade and all the professions are closed against him, and he must either keep a school or starve. Now he who is unfit for a Clergyman is very likely to be unfit also for a schoolmaster. At all events, few parents would like to confide their sons to a man in this position. We would give such persons the option of an honourable retirement. They should be enabled to withdraw with credit from a profession to which they could do but little service, and enter on another in which they might be extensively useful. As merchants, tradesmen, clerks (not in orders), soldiers, sailors, lawyers, doctors, they might do good in the world, and make a respectable provision for their families. But for this purpose all that is necessary would be the repeal of all Acts which make a Clergyman incapable of doing certain things and holding offices. He should be relieved from his disabilities; nothing more is necessary. He ought to be placed in the apostolic position; that is, be permitted to support himself by tent-making if he required it. The results would be beneficial in a thousand cases. Many a poor Clergyman, who now wears cast-off clothes, and thereby (however innocently) brings the Gospel into contempt among "genteel" people-for with such nothing is more contemptible than poverty-would be able to hold up his head with independence. The consequences of such a step would be the retirement at once of many persons who are now, against their will, held within the pale of orders; the removal of many who are unfit in themselves, and many more who are unfit only because unwilling; and a great improvement in the condition of hundreds who would remain. If the plan be merely to make Mr. Wilberforce a barrister, we shall be perfectly content; only let it enable anybody else to take the same step. PRUSSIA AND ROYAL MARRIAGES. THERE is a feeling in this country that our Court is too German. We have, it is true, an English Queen, but even she is German by the mother's side; her father was German on the mother's side, too; the same was the case with her grandfather; her great grandfather and great grandmother were both German; and before them the race was exclusively German. How much English blood there is in the Queen it would not be easy to say; and how much in the Prince of Wales, whose father is a German, it would, indeed, be difficult to ascertain; at all events, it must be indefinitely small. It is quite time that a change should take place in this matter. We are not among those who look with dislike on the projected marriage of the Princess Royal with the presumptive heir of the Prussian house. We admit that Prussia is the least of the five great powers, and that she is not always reckoned among them at all; we admit the cowardly policy of her king, and the heavy Germanism of her people; we are far from FACTS AND PROGRESS. 469 admiring the clumsy despotism of her government, and its ridiculous assumption of a paternal character; nor are we blind to the many absurdities which mingle their alloy with the genius of Frederick William IV.; but at the same time we do not forget that Prussia is, next to ourselves, the greatest Protestant kingdom in the world; and that the march of nations will soon make religion something more than a mere matter of statecraft. Moreover, it must be recollected that the Princess is one of a very large family, that the alliance will bind to us a state not to be despised, and that the Prince whom she is to marry is looked upon, on the continent, as rather an advanced liberal. He will be likely to aid the popular cause more fully in his own country from his close connection with the English Crown, and will have all the advantage among true patriots, which the prestige of such a connection will give him. We have, with regard to the young Princess, only one thing to look to: she is about to marry the heir of a great and powerful kingdom; one well able to maintain its rulers in that state and dignity which becomes the Crown. We must remember this, and not insult Prussia, and add to our own burdens, by giving her an extravagant dowry. We have been paymasters generally for centuries, and now we certainly have a right to expect some relaxation of this rule. Prussia is well able to keep up the splendour of her Court without our help; and we must remember how many other princes and princesses will have to be provided for out of Mr. Bull's pocket. Besides which, the alliance is far more valuable to Prussia than it can be to us; and all these are reasons why a modest and moderate dowry should be offered with the eldest daughter of the Queen of England. But if this be kept in view, we see no reason to object to the match; our interest wants strengthening among the great powers. We have hitherto given and taken the objects of our royal marriages among the petty principalities of that prince-ridden country, Germany. Princes there rank certainly not above the higher members of our own squirearchy; and to compare them with our great nobles, those of the houses of Howard, Cavendish, Sutherland, Douglas, and Percy, would be something beyond ordinary flattery. This is sometimes forgotten by princes, and princesses too, when raised up to an unexpected level by English Royalty, but it ought never to be forgotten by the people. Hence, therefore, the scion of a royal house, and himself in near proximity to the throne, is a far fitter object for an alliance with our royal family than we have seen of late. PROGRESS OF THE ELECTIONS. WE shall not occupy much of our readers' time with the statistics of the general election. They will know from other sources who are elected, and for what places; but we shall just point out one important principle which should not be allowed to pass altogether out of sight. It is, that if Lord Derby should be at the head of affairs again, he must have Messrs. Gladstone and Sidney Herbert in his Cabinet, and that all appointments made in the Church will assume a decidedly Tractarian complexion. We do not blame Lord Derby for this, any more than we ascribe to any particular spirituality of mind the admirable choice which has been made by Lord Palmerston. We only would observe, that the two Cabinets must be so formed that the one will choose Evangelical, and the other Tractarian clergymen, to fill vacancies in the Church. We have, for our own part, no doubt whatever as to the issue of the contest in which the electors of the country are now engaged. The voice of the nation is decidedly with the present Premier, and he will probably, most probably, find himself, when Parliament reassembles, at the head of a handsome working majority. At present everything seems to give this promise; and, though we should avoid party politics simply as such, we cannot be blind to the spiritual interests connected with the questions of the day. OUR CRIMINAL POPULATION. THE temper of the present time is undoubtedly to watch over this portion of our population, and to see how far they can be reformed, and rendered useful members of society, instead of pests. The ticket-of-leave system appears to be doomed, and we admit that we cannot look on this resolution without some regret. It is quite true that many instances have occurred in which men having a ticket-of-leave have returned to the former evil courses, and become the terror of the neighbourhoods in which they settled; they have been skilful depredators, men of ability in their nefarious pursuit, professors of the arts of robbery; tutors in the college of theft, they have, by precept and example, stimulated their pupils, and have done as inuch mischief as it was in their power to do. It happens, too, that the crimes they have committed have been. frequently of a peculiarly atrocious description; they have added violence to dishonesty, garotting to robbery. An outcry, and not an unreasonable one, has been raised against the system FACTS AND PROGRESS. 471 which has set them at large, and it is said, Only defend us from these experienced rascals, and we shall be comparatively safe. But it is not remembered that it is but a small per-centage of ticket-of-leave men who do thus return to evil courses; that by far the greater part became honest and industrious men; and that many, even of the very worst, would gladly do so, if they could but find the means of getting an honest living. Taking the system on the broad scale, it has done good, and answered well; but, at the same time, so much alarm has been created by the crimes of a few, that we have no idea that the system will continue. We have at various times said so much about reformatories, that we have hardly anything new to lay before our readers. Thus much we may say, that those meet with our most sincere sympathy which send their inmates abroad after a reasonable period of probation: especially we would notice that at Grove House, Brixton Hill, which has sent out many, and nearly all have done well. In this country it would, perhaps, have been extremely difficult to find them constant employment; there labour is in demand; and it is most pleasing to remark on the way in which those quondam convicts seek to keep up an interest in the Institution which has thus kept them from relapsing into a life of guilt. We would just mention that the funds of the Reformatory are getting low, and require replenishing. The mention of this excellent Institution brings to our mind the same plan, which might, we think, be adopted with advantage by Government. We have colonies which will not receive convicts, but which are yet in want of labourers. Now there are two classes of persons who might, with advantage, be sent to such colonies. First, there are OUR UNEMPLOYED LABOURERS, Men, who are getting up meetings in Smithfield and elsewhere, and who assume a half-threatening aspect towards the more settled orders of society. Our poor-laws provide that no man shall perish for want in the midst of English abundance. But how to make the requisite distribution is the difficulty. Yet perhaps a very intelligible way of facing the question will be as follows. Here is a man out of employment. He must be supported somehow. The workhouses about him are full, and his own is distant; and, moreover, if you take him to his own, you take him away from the power of getting work, and make him a life-long burden upon the state. By far the cheapest way of providing for him, is to |