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after the slaying of the sacrifice, would naturally be the third day also; and why this sacrifice was not Ishmael the son after the flesh only, but Isaac the son by promise, the beloved son of Abraham; and why Isaac was styled the only son, or only begotten son of Abraham (Heb. xi. 17), though he had Ishmael besides; and why Isaac himself was to bear the wood on which he was to be sacrificed (Gen. xxii. 6; John xix. 17); and why the place was no other than the land of Moriah, or vision, i. e. most probably a place where the Shechinah or Messiah had been seen, and God by him worshipped, even before the days of Abraham, and where lately lived, and perhaps now lived, Melchisedeck, the grand type of the Messiah (who might then possibly be present at the sacrifice); and why this sacrifice was to be offered either on the mountain called afterwards distinctly Moriah, where the temple stood, and where all the Mosaic sacrifices were afterwards to be offered, as Josephus* and the generality suppose, or perhaps, as others suppose, that where the Messiah himself was to be offered,-its neighbour mount Calvary. This seems also the reason why the ram was substituted as a vicarious sacrifice instead of Isaac. These circumstances seem to me very peculiar and extraordinary, and to render the present hypothesis extremely probable. Nor per haps did St. Clement mean any thing else, when, in his fore-cited passage, he says, that "Isaac was fully persuaded of what he knew was to come," and therefore "cheerfully yielded himself up for a sacrifice." Nor indeed does that name of this place, Jehovah-Jireh, which continued till the days of Moses, and signified- God will see, or rather, God will provide, seem to be given it by Abraham, on any other account, than that God would there, in the fuluess of time, provide himself a lamb (that Lamb of God (John i. 29), which was to take away the sin of the world) for a burnt-offering.

But now, if after all it be objected, that how peculiar and how typical soever the circumstances of Abraham and Isaac might be in themselves, of | which the heathens about them could have little notion, yet such a divine command to Abraham for slaying his beloved son Isaac, must however be of very ill example to the Gentile world, and that it probably did either first occasion, or at least greatly encourage, their wicked practices, in offering their children for sacrifices to their idols, I answer by the next consideration :

13. That this objection is so far from truth, that God's public and miraculous prohibition of the execution and this command to Abraham (which command itself the Gentiles would not then at all be surprised at, because it was so like to their own usual practices), as well as God's substitution of a

Antiq. b. 1. ch. xiii. sect. 3.

vicarious oblation, seems to have been the very oc casion of the immediate abolition of those impious sacrifices by Tethmosis or Amosis, among the neighbouring Egyptians, and of the substitution of more inoffensive ones there instead of them. Take the account of this abolition, which we shall presently prove was about the time of Abraham's offering up his son Isaac, as it is preserved by Porphyry, from Manetho, the famous Egyptian histo rian and chronologer, which is also cited from Porphyry by Eusebius and Theodoret :-" Amosis,” says Porphyry," abolished the laws for slaying of men at Heliopolis in Egypt, as Manetho bears witness in his book of Antiquity and Piety. They were sacrificed to Juno, and were examined, as were the pure calves, that were also sealed with them: they were sacrificed three in a day. In whose stead Amosis commanded that men of wax of the same number, should be substituted."

Now I have lately shown that these Egyptians had Abraham in great veneration, and that all the wisdom of those Egyptians, in which Moses was afterwards learned, was derived from no other than Abraham. Now it appears evidently by the forecited passage, that the first abolition of these human sacrifices, and the substitution of waxen images in their stead, and particularly at Heliopolis, in the north-east of Egypt, in the neighbourhood of Beersheba, in the south of Palestine, where Abraham now lived, at the distance of about a hundred and twenty miles only, was in the days, and by the order of Tethmosis or Amosis, who was the first of the Egyptian kings, after the expulsion of the Phonician shepherds. Now therefore we are to inquire when this Tethmosis or Amosis lived, and compare his time with the time of the sacrifice of Isaac. Now, if we look into my Chronological Table, published A. D. 1721, we shall find that the hundred and twenty-fifth year of Abraham, or, which is all one, the twenty-fifth year of Isaac, falls into A. M. 2573, or into the thirteenth year of Tethmosis or Amosis, which is the very middle of his twenty-five years' reign; so that this abolition of human sacrifices in Egypt, and substitution of others in their room, seems to have been occasioned by the solemn prohibition of such a sacrifice in the case of Abraham, and by the following substitution of a ram in its stead: which account of this matter not only takes away the groundless suspicions of the moderns, but shows the great seasonableness of the divine prohibition of the execution of this command to Abraham, as probably the direct occasion of putting a stop to the barbarity of the Egyptians in offering human sacrifices, and that for many, if not for all, generations afterwards.

4 Apud Marsh. p. 301.

DISSERTATION III.

TACITUS'S ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE JEWISH NATION, AND OF THE PARTI. CULARS OF THE LAST JEWISH WAR; THAT THE FORMER WAS PROBABLY WRITTEN IN OPPOSITION TO JOSEPHUS'S ANTIQUITIES, AND THAT THE LATTER WAS CERTAIN ALMOST ALL DIRECTLY TAKEN FROM JOSEPHUS'S HISTORY OF THE JEWISH WAR.

SINCE Tacitus, the famous Roman historian, who has written more largely and professedly about the origin of the Jewish nation, about the chorography of Judea, and the last Jewish war under Cestius, Vespasian, and Titus, than any other old Roman historian and since both Josephus and Tacitus were in favour with the same Roman emperors,Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian; and since Tacitus was an eminent pleader and writer of history at Rome during the time, or not long after, our Josephus had been there studying the Greek language, reading the Greek books, and writing his own works in the same Greek language, which language was almost universally known at Rome in that age; and since therefore it is next to impossible to suppose that Tacitus could be unacquainted with the writings of Josephus, it cannot but be highly proper to compare their accounts of Judea, of the Jews, and Jewish affairs, together. Nor is it other than a very surprising paradox to me, how it has been possible for learned men, particularly for the several learned editors of Josephus and Tacitus, to be so very silent about this matter as they have hitherto been, especially when not only the correspondence of the authors as to time and place, but the likeness of the subject matter and circumstances, is so often so very remarkable: nay, indeed, since many of the particular facts belonged peculiarly to the region of Judea, and to the Jewish nation, and are such as could hardly be taken by a foreigner from any other author than from our Josephus, this strange silence is almost unaccountable, if not inexcusable. The two only other writers whom we know of, when such Jewish affairs might be supposed to be taken by Tacitus, who never appears to have been in Judea himself, are Justus of Tiberias, a Jewish historian, contemporary with Josephus, and one Antonius Julianus, once mentioned by Minutius Felix, in his Octavius (sect. 33), as having written on the same subject with Josephus, and both already mentioned by me on another occasion (Dissert. I.) As to Justus of Tiberias, he could not be the historian whence Tacitus took his Jewish affairs; because, as we have seen in the place just cited, the principal passage in Tacitus of that nature, concerning Christ and his sufferings under the emperor Tiberius, and by his procurator Pontius Pilate, was not there, as we know from the testimony of Photius (Cod. xxx);—and as to Antonius Julianus, his very name shows him to have been not a Jew, but a Roman. He is never mentioned by Josephus; and so probably knew no more of the country or affairs of Judea than Tacitus himself. He was, I suppose, rather an epitomizer of Josephus, and not so early as Tacitus, than an original historian himself before him. Nor could so exact a writer as Tacitus, ever take up with such poor and almost unknown historians as these were, while Josephus's seven books of the Jewish War

were then so common; were in such great reputation at Rome; were attested to, and recommended by Vespasian and Titus, the emperors, by king Agrippa, and king Archelaus, and Herod, king of Chalcis; and he was there honoured with a statue; and these his books were reposited in the public library at Rome, as we know from Josephus himself, from Eusebius, and Jerome, while we never hear of any other history of the Jews, that had then and there any such attestations or recommendations. Some things indeed Tacitus might take from the Roman records of this war. I mean from the Commentaries of Vespasian, which are mentioned by Josephus himself, in his own Life (sect. 65), and some others from the relations of Roman people, where the affairs of Rome were concerned: as also other affairs might be remembered by old officers and soldiers that had been in the Jewish war. Accordingly I still suppose that Tacitus had some part of his information these ways, and particularly where he a little differs from or makes additions to Josephus: but then as this will all reach no farther than three or four years during this war, so will it by no means account for that abridgment of the geography of the country, and entire series of the principal facts of history thereto relating, which are in Tacitus, from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, two hundred and forty years before that war, with which Antiochus both Josephus and Tacitus begin their distinct histories of the Jews, preparatory to the history of this last war. Nor could Tacitus take the greatest part of those earlier facts belonging to the Jewish nation from the days of Moses, or to Christ and the Christians in the days of Tiberius, from Roman authors; of which Jewish and Christian affairs those authors had usually very little knowledge, and which the heathens generally did grossly pervert and shamefully falsify; and this is so true as to Tacitus's own accounts of the origin of the Jewish nation, that the reader may almost take it for a constant rule, that when Tacitus contradicts Josephus's Jewish Antiquities, he either tells direct falsehoods, or truths so miserably disguised, as renders them little better than falsehoods, and hardly ever lights upon any thing relating to them that is true and solid, but when the same is in those Antiquities at this day-of which matters more will be said in the notes on this history immediately following.

HISTORY OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V. CHAP. II.

SINCE we are now going to relate the final period of this famous city [Jerusalem], it seems proper to give an account of its original.(a)—The tradition is,

(a) Most of these stories are so entirely groundless, and so contradic tory to one another, that they do not deserve a serious confutation. It is strange Tacitus could persuade himself thus crudely to set them down

that the Jews ran away from the island of Crete, and settled themselves on the coast of Libya, and this at the time when Saturn was driven out of his kingdom by the power of Jupiter : an argument for it is fetched from their name. The mountain Ida is famous in Crete; and the neighbouring inhabitants are named Idai, which, with a barbarous argument, becomes the name of Judai [Jews]. Some say they were a people that were very numerous in Egypt, under the reign of Isis; and that the Egyptians got free from that burden, by sending them into the adjacent countries, under their captains Hierosolymus and Judas. The greatest part say they were those Ethiopians whom fear and hatred obliged to change their habitations, in the reign of king Cepheus.(b) There are those who report that they were Assyrians, who, wanting lands, got together, and obtained part of Egypt, and soon afterward settled themselves in cities of their own, in the land of the Hebrews, and the parts of Syria that lay nearest to them.(c) Others pre tend their origin to be more eminent, and that the Solymi, a people celebrated in Homer's poems, were the founders of this nation, and gave this their own name Hierosolyma to the city which they built there.(d)

CHAP. III.] Many authors agree, that when once an infectious distemper was arisen in Egypt, and made men's bodies impure, Bocchoris, their king, went to the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon, and begged he would grant him some relief against this evil, and that he was enjoined to purge his nation of them, and to banish this kind of men into other countries, as hateful to the gods.(e) That when he had sought for, and gotten them all together, they were left in a vast desert: that hereupon the rest devoted themselves to weeping and inactivity; but one of those exiles, Moses by name, advised them to look for no assistance from any of the gods, or from any of mankind, since they had been abandoned by both, but made them believe in him, as in a celestial leader, (f) by whose help they had already gotten clear of their present miseries. They agreed to it; and though they were unacquainted with every thing, they began their journey at random; but nothing tired them so much as the want of water; and now they laid themselves down on the ground to a great extent, as just ready to perish, when a herd of wild asses, came from feeding, and went to a rock overshadowed by a grove of trees. Moses followed them, as conjecturing that there was [thereabouts] some grassy soil, and so he opened large sources of water for them.(g) That was an ease to them; and when they had journeyed continually six(h) entire days, on the seventh day they drove out the inhabitants, and obtained those lands wherein their city and temple were dedicated.

CHAP. IV.] As for Moses, in order to secure the nation firmly to himself, he ordained new rites, and such as were contrary to those of other inen.

(b) One would wonder how Tacitus, or any heathen, could suppose the African Ethioprins under Cepheus, who are known to be blacks, could be the parent of the Jews, who are known to be whites.

(c) This account comes nearest the truth, and this Tacitus might have from Josephus, only disguised by himself.

(d) This Tacitus might have out of Josephus, Antiq. b. vii, ch. ii.

sect. 2.

(e) Strange doctrine to Josephus! who truly observes on this occasion, that the gods are angry, not at bodily imperfections, but at wicked practices. Apion, b. 1. sect. 93.

(f) This Lelieving in Moses a In a celestial leader, seems a blind confsion of Tacitus that Moses professed to have his laws from God.

(g) This looks also like a plain confession of Tacitus, that Mos brought the Jews water out of a rock in great plenty, which he might have from Jos phus, Antiq, b. iii, ch. i. seer. 7.

(trange indeed! that 600,000 men should travel above 200 miles, Pr the deserts of Arabia, in six days, and conque Judea on the seventh.

All things are with them profane, which with us are sacred and again, those practices are allowed among them which are by us esteemed most abominable.(i)

They place the image of that animal in their most holy place, by whose indication it was that they had escaped their wandering condition and their thirst.(k)

They sacrifice rams by way of reproach to [Jupiter] Hammon. An ox is also sacrificed, which the Egyptians worship under the name of Apis.(1)

They abstain from swine's flesh, as a memorial of that miserable destruction which the mange, to which that creature is liable, brought on them, and with which they had been defiled.(m)

That they had endured a long famine, they attest still by their frequent fastings :(n) and that they stole the fruits of the earth, we have an argument from the bread of the Jews, which is unleavened.(0) It is generally supposed that they rest on the seventh day ;(p) because that day gave them [the first] rest from their labours. Besides which, they are idle on every seventh year,(9) as being pleased with a lazy life. Others say that they do honour thereby to Saturn ;(r) or perhaps the Idæi gave them this part of their religion, who [as we said above] were expelled, together with Saturn, and who, as we have been informed, were the founders of this nation; or else it was because the star Saturn moves in the highest orb, and of the seven planets, exerts the principal part of that energy whereby mankind are governed; and indeed the most of the heavenly bodies exert their power and perform their courses according to the number Seven.(s)

CHAP. V.] These rites, by what manner soever they were first begun, are supported by their antiquity.(t) The rest of their institutions are awkward,(u) impure, and got ground by their pravity; for every vile fellow, despising the rites of his forefathers, brought thither their tribute and contributions, by which means the Jewish commonwealth was augmented; and because among themselves there is an unalterable fidelity and kindness always ready at hand, but bitter enmity towards all others ;(a) they are a people separated from all others in their food and in their beds; though they be the lewdest nation upon earth, yet will they not

(i) This is not true in general, but only so far, that the Israelites were by circumcision and other rites to be kept separate from the wicked and idolatrous nations about them.

(k) This strange story contradicts what the same Tacitus will tell us presently, that when Pompey went into the holy of holies he found no image there.

(2) These are only guesses of Tacitus, or of his heathen authors, but

no more.

(m) Such memorials of what must have been very reproachful, are strangers to the rest of mankind, and without any probability.

(a) The Jews had but one solemn fast of old in the whole year---the great day of expiation.

(e) Unleavened bread was only used at the Passover.

(p, It is very strange that Tacitus should not know or confess that the Jews seventh day and seventh year of rest were in memory of the seventh or Sabbath day's rest, after the six days of creation. Every Jew, as well as every Christian, could have informed him of those matters.

(g) A strange hypothesis of the origin of the Sabbatic year, and without all good foundation. Tacitus probably had never heard of the Jews" year of Jubilee; so he says nothing of it.

(r) As if the Jews in the days of Moses, or long before, knew that the Greeks and Romans would long afterward call the seventh day of the week Saturn's day, which Dlo observes was not so called in old time; and it is a question, Whether before the Jews fell into idolatry, they ever heard of such a star or god as Saturn, Amos v. 25; Acts vii. 43. (s) That the sun, moon, and stars rule over the affairs of maskind, was a heathen, and not a Jewish notion; neither Jews nor Christians were permitted to deal in astrology, though Tacitus seems to have been deep in it.

(This acknowledgment of the antiquity of Moses, and of his Jewish ettlement, was what the heathen eared not always to own.

(a) What these pretended awkward and impure institutions were, Tacitus dos not inform us.

(r) Josephus shows the contrary, as to the laws of Moses, Apion, b. It Sect. 28.

corrupt foreign women,(y) though nothing be esteemed unlawful among themselves.(*)

They have ordained circumcision of the part used in generation, that they may thereby be distinguished from other people. The proselytes to their religion have the same usage.(a)

They are taught nothing sooner than to despise the gods, to renounce their country, and to have their parents, children, and brethren in the utmost contempt;(b) but still they take care to increase and multiply, for it is esteemed utterly unlawful to kill any of their children.

They also look on the souls of those that die in battle, or are put to death for their crimes, as eternal. Hence comes their love of posterity and contempt of death.

They derive their custom of burying, (c) instead of burning their dead, from the Egyptians; they have also the same care of the dead with them, and the same persuasion about the invisible world below; but of the gods above their opinion is contrary to theirs. The Egyptians worship abundance of animals, and images of various sorts.

The Jews have no notion of any more than one Divine Being ;(d) and that known only by the mind. They esteem such to be profane who frame images of gods out of perishable matter, and in the shape of men; that this Being is supreme and eternal, immutable and unperishable, is their doctrine. Accordingly, they have no images in their cities, much less in their temples; they never grant this piece of flattery to kings, or this kind of honour to emperors.(e) But because their priests, when they play on the pipe and the timbrels, wear ivy round their head, and a golden vine has been found in their temple,(f) some have thought that they worshipped our father Bacchus, the conqueror of the East; whereas the ceremonies of the Jews do not at all agree with those of Bacchus, for he appointed rites that were of a jovial nature, and fit for festivals, while the practices of the Jews are absurd and sordid.

CHAP. VI.] The limits of Judea easterly are bounded by Arabia; Egypt lies on the south; on the west are Phoenicia and the [Great] Sea. They have a prospect of Syria on their north quarter, as at some distance from them.(g)

The bodies of the men are healthy, and such as will bear great labours.

They have not many showers of rain: their soil is very fruitful; the produce of their land is like ours, in great plenty.(h)

(y) A high, and, I doubt, a false commendation of the Jews.

They have also, besides ours, two trees peculiar to themselves, the balsam-tree and the palm-tree. Their groves of palms are tall and beautiful. The balsam-tree is not very large. As soon as any branch is swelled, the veins quake as for fear, if you bring an iron knife to cut them. They are to be opened with the broken piece of a stone, or with the shell of a fish. The juice is useful in physic.

Libanus is their principal mountain, and is very high; and yet, what is very strange to be related, it is always shadowed with trees, and never free from snow. The same mountain supplies the river Jordan with water, and affords it its fountains also. Nor is this Jordan carried into the sea: it passes through one and a second lake undiminished; but it is stopped by the third.(i)

This third lake is vastly great in circumference, as if it were a sea.(k) It is of an ill taste; and is pernicious to the adjoining inhabitants by its strong smell. The wind raises no waves there, nor will it maintain either fishes or such birds as use the water. The reason is uncertain, but the fact is thus, that bodies cast into it are borne up as by somewhat solid. Those who can, and those who cannot swim, are equally borne up by it.(7) At a certain time of the year(m) it casts out bitumen; the manner of gathering it, like other arts, has been taught by experience. The liquor is of its own nature, of a black colour; and, if you pour vinegar upon it, it clings together, and swims on the top. Those whose business it is, take it in their hands, and pull it into the upper parts of the ship, after which it follows, without farther attraction, and fills the ship full, till you cut it off, nor can you cut it off either with a brass or an iron instrument; but it cannot bear the touch of blood, or of a cloth wet with the menstrual purgations of women, as the ancient authors say; but those that are acquainted with the place assure us, that these waves of bitumen are driven along, and by the hand drawn to the shore, and that when they are dried by the warm steams from the earth, and the force of the sun, they are cut in pieces with axes and wedges, as timber and stones are cut in pieces.

CHAP. VII.] Not far from this lake are those plains, which are related to have been of old fertile, and to have had many cities(n) full of people, but to have been burnt up by a stroke of lightning: it is also said that the footsteps of that destruction still remain; and that the earth itself appears as burnt earth, and has lost its natural fertility; and that as an argument thereof, all the plants that grow of their own accord, or are planted by the

(3) An entirely false character, and contrary to their many laws against hand, whether they arrive at the degree of an herb,

uncleanness, See Josephus, Antiq. b. iii, ch. xi. sect. 12.

(a) The pro elytes of justice only, not the proselytes of the gate. (b) How does thi agree with that unalterable fidelity and kindness which Tacitus told us the Jews had towards one another?-unless he only means that they preferred the divine commands before their nearest relations, which is the highest degree of Jewish and Christian piety. (c) This custom is at least as old among the Hebrews as the days of Abraham and the cave of Machpelah, long before the Israelites went into Egypt. Gen. xxiii. 1-10; and xxv. 8-10.

(d) These are very valuable concessions which Tacitus here makes as to the unspotted piety of the Jewish nation, in the worship of one infil. nite invisible God, and absolute rejection of all idolatry, and of all worthip of images; nay, of the image of the emperor Caius himself, or of affording it a place in their tempie.

(e) All these concession were to be learned from Josephus, and almost only from him; out of whom, therefore, I conclude Tacitus took the finest part of his character of the Jews.

(f) This particular fact, that there was a golden vine in the front of the Jewish temple, was, in all probability, taken by Tacitus out of Josephus; but as the Jewish priests were never adorned with ivy, the signal of Bacchus,--how Tacitus came to imagine this I cannot tell.

(g) See the chorography of Judea in Josephus, Of the War, b. iii. ch. iii., whence most probably Tacitus framed this short abridgment of it. It comes in both authors naturally before Vespasian's first campaign,

(A) The latter branch of this, Tacitus might have from Josephus, Of the War, b. ii. eh. ii, sect 2, 3, 4; the other is not in the present topies.

or of a flower, or at complete maturity, become black and empty, and, as it were, vanish into ashes. As for myself, as I am willing to allow that these once famous cities were burnt by fire from heaven, so would I suppose that the earth is infected with

(i) These accounts of Jordan, of the fountains derived from mount Libanus, and of the two lakes it runs through, and its stoppage by the third, are exactly agreeable to Josephus, Of the War, b. iii. ch. x. sect. 7,8. (k) No less than five hundred and eighty furlongs long, and one hundred and fifty broad, in Josephus, Of the War, b. v. ch. viii, seet. 4. (1) Strabo says, that a man could not sink into the water of this lake so deep as the navel.

(m) Josephus never says that this bitumen was cast up at a certain time of the year only; and Strabo says the direct contrary; but Pliny agrees with Tacitus.

(n) This is exactly according to Josephus, and must have been taken from him in the place fore-cited; and that, particularly, because it is peculiar to him, so far as I know, in all antiquity. The rest thought the cities were in the very same place where now the lake is; but Josephus and Tacitus say they were in its neighbourhood only; which is Mir. Reland's opinion also.

the vapour of the lake, and the spirit [or air] that is over it thereby corrupted, and that by this means the fruits of the earth, both corn and grapes, rot away, both the soil and the air being equally unwholesome.

The river Belus does also run into the sea of Judea; and the sands that are collected about its mouth, when you mix nitre with them, are melted into glass; this sort of shore is but small, but its sand, for the use of those that carry it off, is inexhaustible.

CHAP. VIII.] A great part of Judea is composed of scattered villages; it also has larger towns; Jerusalem is the capital city of the whole nation. In that city there was a temple of immense wealth; in the first parts that are fortified is the city itself; next it the royal palace. The temple is inclosed in its most inward recesses. ther than the gates; all cluded by their threshhold.

A Jew can come no farbut the priests are exWhile the East was

under the dominion of the Assyrians, the Medes, and the Persians, the Jews were of all slaves the most despicable.(0)

After the dominion(p) of the Macedonians prevailed, king Antiochus tried to conquer their superstition, and to introduce the customs of the Greeks; but he was disappointed of his design, which was to give this most profligate nation a change for the better; and that was by his war with the Parthi ans, for at this time Arsaces had fallen off [from the Macedonians]. Then it was that the Jews set kings over them, because the Macedonians were become weak, the Parthians were not yet very powerful, and the Romans were very remote; which kings, when they had been expelled by the mobility of the vulgar, and had recovered their dominion by war, attempted the same things that kings used to do, I mean they introduced the destruction of cities, the slaughter of brethren, of wives, and parents, but still went on in their superstition: for they took upon them withal the honourable dignity of the high-priesthood, as a firm security to their power and authority.

CHAP. IX.] The first of the Romans that conquered the Jews was Cneius Pompeius, who entered the temple by right of victory. Thence the report was everywhere divulged, that therein was no image of a god, but an empty place, and mysteries, most

secret places that have nothing in them. The walls of Jerusalem were then destroyed, but the temple continued still. Soon afterward arose a civil war among us; and when therein these provinces were reduced under Marcus Antonius, Pacorus, king of the Parthians, got possession of Judea, but was himself slain by Paulus Ventidius, and the Parthians were driven beyond Euphrates; and for the Jews, Caius Sosius subdued them. Antonius gave the kingdom to Herod; and when Augustus conquered Antonius he still augmented it.

After Herod's death, one Simon, without waiting for the disposition of Caesar, took upon him the title of King, who was brought to punishment by [or under] Quinctilius Varus, when he was president of Syria. Afterward the nation was reduced, and the children of Herod governed it in three partitions.

Under Tiberius the Jews had rest. After some time, they were enjoined to place Caius Caesar's

(o) A great slander against the Jews, without any just foundation Josephus would have informed him better.

(r) Here begin Josephus's and Tacitus's true accounts of the Jews preliminary to the last war. See of the War, Promm. sect. 7.

statue in the temple; but rather than permit that they took up arms ;(q) which sedition was put an end to by the death of Cæsar.

Claudius, after the kings were either dead or reduced to smaller dominions, gave the province of Judea to Roman knights, or to freed-men, to be governed by them; among whom was Antonius Felix, one that exercised all kinds of barbarity and extravagance, as if he had royal authority, but with the disposition of a slave. He had married Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Antonius: so that Felix was the grand-daughter's husband, and Claudius the grand-son of the same Antonius.

ANNALS, BOOK XII.

Bur he that was the brother of Pallas, whose surname was Felix, did not act with the same modera

tion [as did Pallas himself]. He had been a good guilty of all sorts of wickedness with impunity while while ago set over Judea, and thought he might be he relied on so sure an authority.

The Jews had almost given a specimen of sedition: and even after the death of Caius was known, and they had not obeyed his command, there remained a degree of fear lest some future prince should renew that command [for the setting up the prince's statue in their temple]; and in the meantime, Felix, by the use of unseasonable remedies, blew up the coals of sedition into a flame, and was imitated by his partner in the government, Ventidius Cumanus, the country being thus divided be tween them; that the nation of the Galileans were under Cumanus, and the Samaritans under Felix ; which two nations were of old at variance, but now, out of contempt of their governors, did less restrain their hatred: they then began to plunder one another, to send in parties of robbers to lie in wait, and sometimes to fight battles, and withal to and Felix]. Whereupon these procurators began bring spoils and prey to the procurators [Cumanus to rejoice; yet when the mischief grew considerable, soldiers were sent to quiet them, but the solflame of war, had not Quadratus, the president of diers were killed; and the province had been in a Syria, afforded his assistance. Nor was it long in dispute whether the Jews, who had killed the soldiers in the mutiny, should be put to death: it was agreed they should die,-only Cumanus and Felix occasioned a delay; for Claudius, upon hearing the causes as to this rebellion, had given [Quadratus] authority to determine the case, even as to the procurators themselves; but Quadratus showed of judgment, on purpose that he might discourage Felix among the judges, and took him into his seat his accusers. So Cumanus was condemned for those flagitious actions, of which both he and Felix had been guilty, and peace was restored to the province.(r)

HISTOR. BOOK V. CHAP. X.

HOWEVER, the Jews had patience till Gessius Florus was made procurator. Under him it was that the war began. Then Cestius Gallus, the president

(g) They came to Petronius, the president of Syria, in vast numbers; but without arms, and as humble supplicants only. See Tacitus pre sently, where he afterwards sets this matter almost right, according to Josephus, and by way of correction; for that account is in his Anna which were written after this which is in his Histories.

(r) Here seems to be a great mistake about the Jewish affairs in Tack tu. See of the War, book ii, chap. xii, seot. 8.

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