CHAP. V.

OF THE GENEROSITY OF CLAUDIUS TO KING AGRIPPA; AND HIS PROMULGATION OF AN EDICT IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS.

Now when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected, he published an edict; and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa, which Caius had given him; and commended the king highly. He also made an addition to it, of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned; that is Judea and Samaria. And this he restored to him as due to his family. But for *Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the

murderers were cut off themselves; and that after a remarkable manner: and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very persons who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms by them. The examples are very numerous both in sacred and profane histories; and seem generally indications of divine vengeance on such murderers. Nor is it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of tyrants do it usually on such ill principles; in such a cruel manner and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty; which was the case here, chap. 1 and 2, as justly deserved the divine vengeance upon them. Which seems to have been the case of Jehu also, when, besides the house of Ahab, for whose slaughter he had a commission from God; without any such commission, and without any justice or commiseration, he killed Ahab's great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and forty-two of the kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings x. 11, 13, 14. See Hosea i. 4. I do not mean here to condemn Ehud, or Judith, or the like executioners of God's vengeance on those wicked tyrants, who had unjustly oppressed God's own people, under their theocracy. Who, as they appear still to have had no selfish designs, nor intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a divine commission or impulse for what they did. Judges iii. 15, 19, 20. Judith ix. 2. Test. Levi, § 5. in Authent. Rec. page 312. See also page 432.

* Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when he informs us, chap. iii. 1. that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of Abilene, whose capital was Abila. As is farther confirmed by Ptolemy, the great geographer, which Spanheim here observes, when he calls that city Abila of Lysanias. See the note on XVII. 11. and Prideaux at the year 36, and 22. I esteem this principality to have belonged to the land of Canaan originally; to have been the burying place of Abel; and referred to as such, Matt. xxiii. 35. Luke xi. 5. See Authents Rec. Part II. page 883---885. ́

forum, in the city of Rome. He then took away from Antio chus that kingdom which he was possessed of; but gave him a certain part of Cilicia, and Commagene. He also set Alexander Lysimachus the alabarch at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia; but had been imprisoned by Caius. Whose son, Marcus, married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod; and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.

About this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria. For when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified, under his reign, and reduced to very great distresses by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself; and immediately took up their arms, to fight for themselves. So Claudius sent

an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult. He also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria; whose contents were as follows: "Tiberius Claudius Cæsar, Augustus, Germanicus, high-priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians; and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves: and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at different times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs: as willing that all men should be so subject to the Romans as to continue in the observance of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own religion but that in the time of Caius the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them: which Caius, out of his great madness, and want of understanding, reduced

the nation of the Jews very low; because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god. I will, therefore, that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius ; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them; and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict."

1

Such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that were sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: "Tiberius Claudius Cæsar, Augustus, Germanicus, high-priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul* the second time, ordains thus: Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those at Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith: and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favour, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges: since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will, therefore, be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs, without being hindered from doing so. And I do now charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation; and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy, and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of their ambassadors; and to have them ex

* A. D. 42.

posed to the public for full thirty days, in *such a place, whence it may plainly be read from the ground."

CHAP. VI.

OF THE CONDUCT OF AGRIPPA ON HIS RETURN TO JUDEA: AND OF THE EPISTLE WHICH PETRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABITANTS OF DORIS, ON BEHALF OF THE JEWS.

NOW Claudius Cæsar, by those decrees which he sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he sent Agrippa away, to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before: and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces, that they should treat him very kindly. Accordingly he returned in haste, and came to Jerusalem; where he offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted† nothing which the law required. On which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it within the limits of the temple, over the treasury: that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall; and that God sometimes raises up

:

* This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr. Hudson here tells us, from the great Selden, that it used to be thus represented at the bottom of their edicts by the initial letters only, U. D. P. R. L. P. Unde De Plano Recte Legi Possit. Whence it may plainly be read from the ground.

† Josephus shows both here, and chap. 7. that he had a much greater opinion of king Agrippa I. than Simon the learned Rabbi; than the people of Cæsarea and Sebaste, chap. 7. and, indeed, than his double dealing between the senate and Claudius, chap. 4, than his slaughter of James the brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter, or his vainglorious behaviour before he died, both in Acts xii. 1,2,3. and here XIX. 4. will justify or allow. Josephus's character was probably taken from his son Agrippa, jun.

See Book XVIII. chap. 6.

2

This treasury-chamber seems to have been the same in which our Saviour taught; and where the people offered their donations for the repairs or other uses of the temple. Mark xii. 41. &c. Luke xxi. 1. John viii. 20.

what is fallen down. For this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again: a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall: and that those that fall may regain their former illustrious dignity again.

When Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high-priesthood, and bestowed that honour on Simon, the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras: whose daughter king Herod had married, *as I have already related. Simon, therefore, had the high-priesthood, with his brethren, and with his father; in like manner as the three sons of Simon, the son of Onias, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians: as we have related in a former book.†

When the king had settled the high-priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had shown him. For he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before: thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces; as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Cæsar's into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa. For it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa. For he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris, in an angry strain :

"Publius Petronius, the president, under Tiberius Claudius Cæsar, Augustus, Germanicus; to the magistrates of Doris, or