And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness; and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king; that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both of his sons. And he that was son-inlaw to Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to flee away; in order to accuse Herod before Cæsar. And when Herod's head had been long enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favour again; as a defence to him against his other sons; and began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.*

But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs. But when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation. But whenever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it. And as these sons did day after day increase in their anger, Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very great, in flattering his father; and in contriving many sorts of calumnies against his brethren : while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them: till, at length, he entirely cut his brethren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom. For he was already publicly put into his father's will as his successor. Accordingly he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Cæsar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were, flattery and calumny whereby he brought matters privately to such a pass that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.

So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and charged him with an attempt of poisoning him before Cæsar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation but having a judge that was more skilful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon his father: but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid

*Antiq. XVI. 3.

against him. And when he had demonstrated the innocence of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at length bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence: for he was a shrewd man in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep: and he brought Cæsar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these; that they should, in all things be obedient to their father, and that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.

After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations: but still so, that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountain-head of those accusations: yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them: as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at *Eleusa; where Archelaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of his son-in-law; and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome, that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents.

Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons; and gave them an apologetic account of his absence: and thanked God greatly, and thanked Cæsar greatly also, for settling his house, when it was under disturbances; and for procuring concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the

* That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste, near Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, XIV. page 671. Stephanus of Byzantium also calls it," An island of Cilicia which is now Sebaste;" both whose testimonies are pertinently cited here by Dr. Hudson. See the same history, Antiq. XVI. 10.

kingdom itself: "For Cæsar," said he, "hath put it into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I declare, that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about: and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large, that it may be sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep those in their places whom Cæsar hath joined, and their father hath appointed and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them; but to every one according to the prerogative of their births. For he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honoured beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him that is dishonoured sorrowful.As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them; and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord: as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse, will produce quarrels and contentions among them. But that, if these, with whom they converse, be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on me alone. For I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons: but give them royal honours only. Whereby it will come to pass, that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government, as rulers themselves; but that the burden of the administration will rest upon myself, whether I will or not. And let every one consider what age I am of; how I have conducted my life; and what piety I have exercised. For my age is not so great that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young but I have been so religious towards God, that I have reason to hope I may arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own chil

dren; and, therefore, forbid men to pay them great respect.→→ But I know that such extravagant respects are calculated to make them insolent. And if every one that comes near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good man, he shall receive a reward from me; but that, if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown; I suppose they will all be on my side, that are on my sons' side. For it will be for their advantage that I reign; and that I be at concord with them. But do you, O my children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place reflect upon Cæsar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and, in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you. Continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honours. And I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another."— When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude. Some of whom gave their assent to what he had said, and wished it might take effect accordingly. But for those who wished for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he said.

CHAP. XXIV.

OF THE MALICE OF ANTIPATER AND DORIS; HEROD'S FORGIVE

NESS OF PHERORAS AND SALOME; THE EXAMINATION OF HEROD'S EUNUCHS BY THE TORTURE; AND THE IMPRISONMENT OF ALEXANDER.

BUT the quarrel that was between them, still accompanied these brethren when they parted: and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the first born was confirmed to Antipater and Antipater was very angry at his brethren, that they were to succeed him. But being of a mutable and politic disposition, the latter knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed the hatred

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he bore to them. While the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had every thing upon their tongues, which was in their minds. Many also there were who provoked them farther and many of their seeming friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater; and from Antipater it was carried to Herod, with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing, in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offence: but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great imputations were raised from the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak; that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foundation of truth. And if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness. For he either corrupted Alexander's acquaintance with money, or got into their favour by flatteries: by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said. Thus did he act a part very cunningly in all points: and wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness. While he put on a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus; but suborned other men to inform him of what they did to Herod. And when any thing was told against Alexander, he would come in and pretend to be of his side; and would begin to contradict what was said: but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him. His general aim was, to lay a plot, and to make it believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father. For nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies, as did Antipater's apologies for him.