clothing, and all things necessary to the relief of the unfortunate fugitives, whom having met at mount Lycæ'a, they invited into their cities, offered to divide with them their lands, and give them their daughters in marriage.

X 19. The friendship of the Årca'dians suggested to Aristom'enes an attempt, whose boldness little corresponded with the depression of his fortunes. As the greater part of the enemy's forces still lay at Ei'ra, he determined with his little band to make a sudden attack on Sparta itself; believing that an unfortified city would easily yield to the sudden and unexpected attack of his valiant followers. 20. This enterprise was disconcerted by a second act of treachery on the part of Aristoc'rates, the Arcadian king, who delayed the Messe'nians, under the pretence of unfavourable omens, and in the mean time despatched a messenger to Sparta, informing its sovereign of the approaching danger. 21. The messenger was intercepted on his return, and the indignant Arca'dians stoned to death the traitor that disgraced the name of king. The Messe'nians took no share in this act of substantial justice. They stood observing the countenance of Aristom'enes, whose looks expressed grief rather than resentment. He, indeed, is honourably distinguished above all the other heroes of antiquity, by never having yielded to the dictates of revengeful feelings. He had refused to retaliate on the Spartan prisoners the cruelties practised on the Messe'nians; and now that his dearest hopes were blasted for ever, he refused to raise a hand against the traitor who had caused his ruin.

22. The aged and infirm Messe'nians remained in Arca'dia, where they continued to be treated with the most generous hospitality. The young and vigorous, being joined by others of their countrymen, determined to preserve their independence in a foreign land. Aristom'enes recommended them to settle in some distant colony, but refused to accompany them in their exile. While they yet deliberated on the choice of a country, a messenger arrived from Rhe'gium, then governed by Anax'ilas, a prince descended from the Messe'nian royal family, inviting the exiles to seek an asylum in his dominions. 23. When they arrived at Rhe'gium, Anax'ilas informed them that his subjects were constantly harassed by the piratical attacks of the Zancle'ans, an Æo'lian colony on the opposite side of the Sicilian strait. The capture of Zanclé (he observed) would relieve his subjects from the depredations to which they were exposed

and would enable the Messe'nians to establish themselves in the most delightful and advantageous spot on the whole Sicilian coast. The proposal was eagerly embraced, and the Zancle'ans, before they had time to make any preparation, found themselves vigorously besieged by sea and land. After an ineffectual resistance they deserted their walls, and fled to the sanctuary of their temples. 24. The Rhe'gians were inclined to put them all to the sword, but the Messe'nians, by suffering persecution, had learned mercy; they offered their friendship to the citizens, and the Zancle'ans, thus delivered from the perils of the sword and servitude, the usual penalties of unsuccessful war, promised eternal gratitude to their generous protectors. The victors and the vanquished coalesced into one people, and the name of Zanclé was changed to Messené; a name which may still be recognised after the lapse of nearly twenty-six centuries.

25. Aristom'enes passed over into Asia, probably with the hope of exciting the Lydian monarch to undertake some enterprise, which might finally be of benefit to Messene. He was everywhere received with the greatest respect, and the king of Ilys'sus, in the island of Rhodes, having been ordered by an oracle to marry the daughter of the most illustrious Greek, unhesitatingly chose the daughter of Aristom'enes. But upon his arrival at Sardis, he was seized with a distemper which put an end to his life. Other leaders recorded in Grecian history, have defended the independence of their country with more success, but none with greater zeal and ability; other names have been more celebrated, but none better merited glory, since he united in a pre-eminent degree the virtues of a citizen to the courage of a soldier, and was equally distinguished by the vigour of his intellect, and the purity of his heart.

26. The subjugation of the Messe'nians made Sparta decidedly the first state in southern Greece; other wars followed with the Argives and Arca'dians, but were not attended with any important consequences; except, that the island of Cythe'ra was wrested from the Argives, and annexed to B. C. 2 the territories of Laconia: an important acquisition, 550. which enabled the Spartans to become partially a naval power.

Questions for Examination.

1. Who was the leader of the insurgents in the second Messe'nian war? 2. Where did the two armies come to an engagement?

3. What was the next exploit of Aristom'enes? 4. Were any other Messe'nians equally daring?

5. What answer did the Spartans receive from the Delphic oracle? 6. Why was this direction mortifying to their pride?

7. Whom did the Athenians send as general?

8. How did Aristom'enes conduct himself during the war?

9. From what danger was Aristom'enes rescued by the gratitude of the Spartan woman?

10. How did Tyrtæus induce the Spartans to continue the war? 11. By whose treachery did the Spartans prevail?

12. Whither did Aristom'enes retire?

13. In what extraordinary manner did he escape from imminent danger? 14. How did the Spartans act when they heard of the escape of Aristom'enes?

15. By what means was the capture of Eira finally effected?

16. Did the Messe'nians make any resistance?

17. How did Aristom'enes act in this crisis?

18. Did any people show kindness to the Messe'nians?

19. What daring exploit did Aristom'enes next meditate?

20. How was he disappointed?

21. Did the traitor escape with impunity?

22. From whom did the Messe'nians receive an offer of an asylum? 23. What enterprise did the exiles undertake?

24. How did they prove that their hearts were not hardened by misfortunes ?

25. What became of Aristom'enes?

26. Did the Spartans make any other acquisition after the conquest of Messene? in,

CHAPTER III.

OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, THE LAWS OF SOLON, AND THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC FROM THE TIME OF SOLON TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE PERSIAN WAR.

SECTION I.

1. We have already mentioned the changes that took place in the Athenian constitution after the death of Codrus. The abolition of royalty was at first an injury rather than a service to the cause of popular freedom; for in Athens, as in Rome, the supreme power was seized on by a haughty aristocracy, that permitted no person, however distinguished, to hold any official situation, unless a member of their own body. But the early and rapid diffusion of wealth and

H

intelligence among the Athenian people made the dominion of the Eupat'ridæ there more insecure than that of the patricians at Rome; and besides jealousies arose between the nobles themselves, which induced them to appeal to the people for support, and thus raised their consequence in the state. 2. The nine archons and the court of Areop'agus possessed all the legislative and executive authority at Athens; they were invariably selected from the Eupat'ridæ, and before the time of Solon there does not appear to have been any appeal from their authority. The year was named after the first archon, whence he was called Epon'ymus, but oftener emphatically The Archon. The second had the title of king,* and discharged the duties of high priest. The third was named Pol'emarch, and to him warlike affairs were intrusted. The remaining six were called Thesmoth'etæ, and their business was to prepare all laws that were to be proposed in the assemblies of the people.

3. The Alcmeon'idæ, descended from Alcmæon, the last perpetual archon, and through him from Codrus, were both, by their family and riches, far the most powerful of the Athenian Eupatʼridæ. Cy'lon, a young nobleman of great ambition and power, was unwilling to brock the predominance of that house, and, aided by his relatives and clients, he seized on the citadel of Athens. 4. An outcry was raised, that he wished to become a tyrant-a name given by the Greeks to those who had by violence made themselves the masters of a free state. Meg'acles, the head of the Alcmœon'idæ, who was then chief archon, immediately assembled his forces, and closely blockaded the insurgents. Cylon and his followers were soon reduced to great distress; the leader escaped, and the others fled for safety to the altars. Induced by the promise of life to quit their sanctuaries, they were all miserably butchered; but such an impression was produced on the minds of the Athenians by this act of perfidy and impiety, that all concerned in it were banished. They returned, indeed, but though many of their descendants were distinguished for their abilities and integrity, yet they were constantly embarrassed whenever their opponents demanded that they should be expelled, as the offspring of those who had committed sacrilege.

* Βασιλευς. Both in Athens and Rome there were certain solemn sacrifices which none but a king could offer; hence, after the expulsion of the Tarquins, the Romans elected a priest, to whom they gave the title of Rex Sacrificulus.

5. The disorders arising from this, and many SB.C. similar commotions, induced the Athenians to elect 624. Dra'co as their legislator, deeming that a fixed code of laws would be the best security against the oppression of the nobles, and the sedition of the people. Dra'co was a man of unblemished integrity, great talent, and highly cultivated mind, but he was deficient in political experience, and wanted that knowledge, the most important to a statesman-the knowledge of human nature. 6. He prepared a code of laws, so absurdly severe, that they could not be put into execution; the consequence was, that criminals enjoyed perfect impunity, and the disorders of the state became worse than ever. Dra'co's laws were said to be written, not with ink, but blood; his own remark is fully sufficient to show how unfit he was for the office that he had undertaken :-"Small crimes," said he, "deserve death, and I know of no heavier punishment for greater."

7. Though the Doric invasion of Attica had failed when the Heraclei'dæ retreated after the death of Co'drus, a portion of the Dorians had seized on the territories of Megaris, a narrow district north of the Peloponnesus, and retained it in spite of every exertion made to expel them by their Ionic neighbours.* They now took advantage of the dissensions in Attica to make themselves masters of Nisæ'a, a valuable sea-port on the Saron'ic gulf ;t and at the same time Sal'amis threw off the yoke of Athens, and asserted its independence. Several unsuccessful expeditions were undertaken to reduce the island to obedience, until at length a law was passed prohibiting any Athenian, under pain of death, from proposing any new attempt against Salamis.

8. There was then in Athens a young man, a native of the island, but descended from Codrus, the last Athenian king, who perceived that the people were sorry for the hasty law which they had passed, but that no one had courage to propose its repeal. So'lon, for that was his name, had been hitherto remarkable only for his love of literature, and his successful cultivation of poetry; qualities, which though valuable in themselves, did not confer on him any politi cal importance. He therefore had recourse to stratagem. Having spread a report that he had been seized with a fit

* We have already mentioned, that the Athenians were of the Ionic race. Their territories were sometimes called Ionia, even at a late period of their history.

† See Map.