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him chiefly to this proceeding. These soldiers were mutinous, untractable, licentious, and averse to all obedience; their example, therefore, was capable of corrupting the other troops, and even of destroying him, by a new instance of treachery; he therefore was resolved to exterminate them without hesitation.

The formidable power and ambitious schemes of Antiochus alarmed the other most powerful governors of the empire; and Ptolemy, Lysimachus of Thrace, and Cassander, son of Antipater of Macedon, united to oppose him. The treasures which he procured in Babylon and Susa, enabled him to raise a powerful army, which he led into Syria and Phenicia, with the intention of seizing the fleet of Ptolemy, and making himself master of the sea. In this he, however, failed; and it was with difficulty that he captured the seaports. That he might contend against the fleets of his rivals, he formed alliances with Cyprus, Rhodes, and other maritime places, and employed several thousand men to build vessels in various ports of Syria. The defence of that country, and the preservation of a fleet, he entrusted to his son Demetrius, who early discovered himself superior to his father in the qualities which command public esteem, and not less skilful and bold in war.

From Syria, Antigonus advanced to Asia Minor, which had been invaded by Cassander, who was supported by his allies. While engaged with them, Ptolemy had conquered the largest portion of Cyprus, and recovered Phenicia, Judea, and Cœlo-Syria, after a most sanguinary combat with Demetrius at Gaza. But the victor enjoyed his triumph only a short time, for his army, sent under Cilles to reduce Syria, was defeated by Demetrius; and immediately on his father receiving information of the victory, he marched into Syria to support him.

Ptolemy, convinced that he was not prepared to repel their united forces, demolished the fortifications of Acre, Joppa, Samaria, and Gaza, and returned with much of the riches and many of the inhabitants, particularly Jews, into Egypt. These followed the ruler of Egypt, not as captives, but from choice, for the advantages which he promised them more than compensated for absence from a country taken possession of by one whom they had more reason to fear than love. Of the Jewish captives or emigrants who joined the army of Ptolemy, at this or at a former period, in their return to Egypt, Josephus relates, on the authority of Hecateus, two anecdotes. This person, he says, was a native of Abdara, and a philosopher

who first enjoyed the friendship of Alexander, and, after hist death, that of Ptolemy, whom he accompanied into Judea. He carefully investigated and wrote a full account of the laws and affairs of the Jews. Among the most distinguished of those of them who entered the service of Egypt, was Hezekiah. He was a person of great dignity, remarkable for his wisdom, eloquence, and knowledge of the history and laws of his country. His influence with the king was considerable, and hence to him the Jews partly ascribed the favours which were conferred on them by Ptolemy and his successor.

Another of these Jews, named Mosallam, was one of the horsemen appointed to guide the army, in their journey to the Red Sea. "He was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skilful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians. Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird, and requiring them all to stand still, inquired what they staid for. Hereupon the augur showed them the bird from whence ne took his augury, and told him that if the bira staid where he was, they ought all to stand still; but that if he got up, and flew onward, they must go forward; but that if he flew backward, they must retire again. Mosollam made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at the bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as the augur and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him, he answered them thus:Why are you so mad as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? for how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march, who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future he would not have come to this place, but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew would shoot at him, and kill him."

While Antigonus was in Syria, Seleucus, by the assistance of less than two thousand men, whom he received from Ptolemy, and the Macedonians who occupied the fortress of Carrhe, or Haran, in Mesopotamia, whom he persuaded to join him on his march to the East, recovered Babylon. His appearance before that city was hailed by the citizens. They gratefully remembered the mildness, justice, equity, and humanity of his conduct, and gladly received him. His army was quickly augmented, and enabled him to defeat the force led against him by Nicanor, who governed Media for Antigonus, and to conquer Media, Susiana, and the adjacent pro

VOL. I.

15

vinces. Having thus acquired great power he returned to Babylon, B. c. 311, a memorable event in the history of the East; for this commences the era of the Seleucides, received by all the people of the East, as well Pagans as Jews, Christians, and Mahomedans. The Jews called it the Era of Contracts, because when they were subjected to the government of the Syro-Macedonian kings, they were obliged to insert it into the dates of their contracts and other civil writings. The Arabians style it the Era of Bicornus, intimating Seleucus thereby, according to some authors, who declare that the sculptors represented him with two horns of an ox on his head, because this prince was so strong, that he could seize that animal by the horns and stop him short in his full career.

The two books of the Maccabees call it the Era of the Greeks, and use it in their dates, with this difference however, that the first of these books represents it as beginning in the spring, the other, in the autumn of the same year. The thirty-one years of the reign ascribed to Seleucus, begin at this period. Antigonus in vain attempted to conquer the Nabathæan Arabs. Their capital was strongly situated, as we have noticed in the Pocket Biblical Dictionary. It defied his power, and he was pleased to prevail on them to agree to a treaty of peace, favourable to their interests.

News from Nicanor disclosed the critical state of his affairs ; and he instantly sent Demetrius to the East, with one part of his army and proceeded with the other to Asia Minor. Seleucus being in Media when Demetrius arrived at Babylon, he easily captured the city. But he was soon obliged to desert it to join his father's army, before he had obtained possession of one of the fortresses on the Euphrates. He plundered the city, and increased the hatred which the people cherished against his father's oppressive government.

His presence in Asia Minor occasioned a treaty of peace, which confirmed Ptolemy in the government of the countries originally given him, and assigned to Lysimachus Thrace, to Cassander Macedon, till Alexander, son of Roxana, was of age to reign, and to Antigonus, all Asia. Greece was declared free, and Polysperchon acknowledged successor to Antipater, who, at his death, had appointed him guardian of the royal family. He called to his aid Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, who was not less ambitious than revengeful. Polysperchon, to secure himself the sovereignty of Greece, took the life of Barsina, one of the wives of Alexander, and her only son Hercules Olympias put to death

king Aridæus, called Philip, and his queen Eurydice. Cassander murdered Roxana and her son; and Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander, and the last heir of the crown of Macedon, was cut off by Antigonus. Thus the principal persons of the race of the great conqueror were extirpated, and his captains were at liberty to contend among themselves for the empire. Nor were they slow, notwithstanding their treaty of peace, to lay waste the empire in the hope of personal or family aggrandisement.

Rational government was neither understood nor valued by the Greeks, while they boasted that they alone sought freedom, as if it were the chief good. The most eminent rulers, who imposed salutary restraints on their passions forfeited their favour; and those who flattered their vanity and promoted their licentiousness were secure of their confidence and applause. These characteristics of the Greeks were never more conspicuous than in their reception of Demetrius, son of Antigonus. Athens had been governed ten years by Demetrius Phalerius, in the name of Cassander. Under his administration, they had enjoyed uninterrupted peace, prosperity, and happiness and their gratitude apparently overflowed. They had raised statues to his honour, equal in number to the days of the year. Secretly, however, they longed to be free; nothing pleased them but a lawless democracy. Hence when Demetrius arrived with a fleet, and proclaimed that his father had sent him to restore the Greeks to liberty, and expel from their garrisons the Macedonians, that they might resume their ancient form of government and laws, in extasy of joy they proclaimed him their protector and benefactor. Having expelled the troops of the garrison, and re-established democracy, the Athenians were enthusiastic in his praise; and conferred on him and his father the title of king, and honoured them as tutelar deities, and offered sacrifices to him as a god. Their conduct was not more contemptible than his was infamous. Inflated by success, he gave himself up to the greatest excess of sensual indulgence. His violent and impetuous passions carried him beyond the habits of the beasts of the earth. Though the vilest sensualist, his intellecual talents were great, and his skill in war was surpassed by few. These were completely exhibited by the most splendid and dazzling exploits at Cyprus and Rhodes. His father's joy was boundless on receiving the news of his victory over the fleet of Ptolemy. Hé instantly proclaimed himself a king, and conferred on his son the same title, and sent him a

rich crown. Speedily their rivals, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus were known by the same appellation.

To improve this victory, Antigonus attempted the conquest of Egypt, and failed, with the loss of a considerable part of his army, and many of his ships. This was the last time that Ptolemy was in danger of losing his crown. The wise and prudent manner in which he had defended it, fixed it on his head. This induced Ptolemy the astronomer to regard this period as the commencement of his chronological canon. "He begins the Epocha on the seventh of November, nineteen years after the death of Alexander the Great."

The ambitious schemes which Antigonus and his son unceasingly pursued roused the fears of the other kings, and convinced them of the necessity of uniting to arrest them in their bold career. They accordingly agreed, B. c. 302, to combine all their energies against them. Cassander and Lysimachus invaded Asia-Minor, and reduced a number of the provinces; Ptolemy recovered Colo-Syria, Judea, and all Phenicia, except Tyre and Sidon; and Seleucus joined Lysimachus to oppose Antigonus and Demetrius, who had marched into Phrygia. Near Ipsus, a city of that province, was fought the dreadful and sanguinary battle in which Antigonus lost his life; this was followed by the final division of the empire among the four confederated kings. Ptolemy was announced king of Egypt, Lybia, Arabia, Colo-Syria, Judea, and Phenicia; Cassander, king of Macedon and Greece; Lysimachus, king of Thrace, Bithynia, and other provinces beyond the Hellespont; and Seleucus, king of Syria, and a the countries extending eastward from the Euphrates to the

Indus.

Thus were fully accomplished the predictions of Dan. vii. 6; viii. 5—8, 20-22. Rollin justly remarks that "other divisions were made before this period, but they were only of provinces, which were consigned to governors, under the brother and son of Alexander, and none but the last was the regal partition. Those prophecies, therefore, are to be understood of this alone; for they evidently represent these four successors of Alexander in the quality of four kings; four stood up for it. But not one of Alexander's successors obtained the regal dignity till about three years before the last division of the empire. And even this dignity was at first precarious, as being assumed by each of the several parties, merely by his own authority, and not acknowledged by any of the rest. Whereas, after the battle of Ipsus, the treaty made

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