ject, but I have a very definite opinion upon what I will help them to say, and that is, that they have had the value which they had no right to for four generations, and they may rest upon that. If they suppose that we are fools enough to go into the next presidential canvass with our necks burdened down by the millstone of compensation for all the property destroyed by the gov ernment in the course of this terrible war, slaves included, they are mistaken; the candidate that goes into the canvass upon that basis goes dedicated to the ruin; for no mass, no considerable, no respectable proportion of the people of the States of America will ever agree to double the war debt, for all slaveholders will persuade doubting commissioners that they were loyal, and should receive compensation for the very property which their brothers, and friends, and neighbors rebelled to secure. (Applause.)

There is scarcely a household where there is not one dead; there is scarcely a household where children are not lacking for some of the comforts of life by reason of this great war, and their wants must not be increased to give luxuries to the rich slaveholders. The negro is paid for by the hardships that men are now enduring. He is paid for by the increased price of labor, the increased price of land and bread, the withdrawal of labor from the free States, the converting of an immense population into an army. This is the pay for it. It is paid for by the iniquity of the rebellion, and they will get no other pay but the suppression of the rebellion. (Great applause.)

Now, my friends, as usual, I have said just what I think is coming to pass. I have no doubt that the cunning contrivers of future political platforms will in the course of a year or two have a wretched, shriveled party in some corner of Maryland called the "Anti-Negro-Equality Party," and they will be rushing out frantically into the streets of Baltimore, and to the cross-roads, and the groggery-shops of the southern part of the State, to get somebody to be foolish enough to elect a man because he is opposed to negro equality, without any body's proposing it on the other side; and, foreseeing that that is about to be the case, I have thought it might just be convenient at this time to say that they who are preparing for that canvass are attempting to delude people whom they can not delude, and are preparing for a canvass in which they will receive a worse castigation than in that of the last fall.

Fellow-citizens, only one word in conclusion. All that I beg of you is this: when the day of election comes round, you will take the trouble, you and your friends, to walk to the polls, so that Baltimore may have the benefit of the power of her enormous population, that she may be secure in carrying the Convention, which not merely rids her commercial wealth of the burden of being in a slave State, but restores to her her political equality with all the free regions of the State. It requires only that we shall turn out, and the result is accomplished; and if we do not turn out, we may remain as we are.

Gentlemen, I now yield in order that others may be introduced to you.

THE EMPIRE OF MEXICO.

On the 4th of April Mr. Davis reported, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, a joint resolution declaring

"That the Congress of the United States were unwilling by silence to leave the nations of the world under the impression that they are indifferent spectators of the deplorable events* now transpiring in the Republic of Mexico; and that they therefore think fit to declare that it does not accord with the policy of the United States to acknowledge any monarchical government erected on the ruins of any republican government under the auspices of any European power."

In supporting this resolution, Mr. Davis said:

"We inaugurate another policy than that which characterized the Democratic party ere the power passed from beneath their feet. The Democratic policy in dealing with our Republican brethren in South America and in Mexico has been that of the wolf to the lamb. Their growl was to frighten foreign wolves from the prey they marked for their own; they hectored, bullied, and plundered them, without even stretching out the hand of republican sympathy to appease their dissensions or consolidate their power. I suppose the treaty made by Mr. M'Lane was intended to smooth the way for the intrusion into Mexico of the Southern interests, now in rebellion against the United States. It afforded Southern men the opportunity, after breaking away from the Union, to fasten themselves upon Mexico. The provisions of that treaty secured such a right of interference and intermeddling in the affairs of Mexico as would have been contrary to the policy of this government to exercise, unless it was with the farther purpose of reducing Mexico to the condition of a province. If my friend from Ohio had expressed his regret at the failure of the ratification by

*Alluding to the war between Juarez, the constitutional President, and the French, intervening to place and maintain there the Archduke Maximilian under the title of emperor.

the Senate of the treaty negotiated by Mr. Corwin, granting pecuniary aid to the government of Mexico, which would, in all proba bility, have prevented this European intervention, I should have heartily agreed with him.

"But, sir, that time has already passed. The war is going on, and we wish, before another usurper has placed his foot upon Mexican soil, to let him understand, whether he be of the house of Austria, or of the family which for the present disposes of the forces of France-both the well-known enemies of republican government, and the last now making war to overturn the republican government of Mexico and establish upon its ruins a monarchical government that that government will not be recognized by us.

"Our policy is very different from the Democratic policy. We wish to cultivate friendship with our republican brethren of Mexico and South America, to aid in consolidating republican principles, to retain popular government in all this continent from the fangs of monarchical or aristocratic power, and to lead the sisterhood of American republics in the paths of peace, prosperity, and power."

The resolution was passed unanimously. Mr. Davis afterward moved (May 23) that the President be requested to communicate to the House any explanation given by the government to the French government respecting the sense and bearing of the above joint resolution; and the correspondence of the Secretary of State with the United States minister in Paris in relation thereto was communicated, by which it appeared that the Secretary had rightly stated the effect of such joint resolution, acted on by the House only, not having passed the Senate, and not having received the sanction of the President.

EXPULSION OF MR. LONG, OF OHIO.

On the 9th of April the Speaker offered a resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Long, of Ohio, "for having openly avowed himself, in presence of the House, in favor of recognizing the Confederate States, now in armed rebellion, and, in so avowing himself, having violated his oath as a member of this House, that he had given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility to the United States.” On the 11th of April, 1864, Mr. Davis addressed the House on this resolution in the following speech:

MR. SPEAKER,-A singular disposition has been manifested to avoid the question before the House. I desire to call your attention to that question before I follow the gentlemen on the other side in the rather irrelevant discussion in which they have indulged.

It is not whether in the House of Representatives of the United States of America freedom of opinion is secured by law, nor whether the freedom of speech and of the press is the constitutional right of the American citizen, but whether the gentleman who delivered. the speech now in question is a fit and worthy member of this House; not whether, out of doors, in his private capacity, he would be entitled to entertain, and as an individual to express, the opinions which he has uttered here, but whether as a legislator charged to protect the interests of the people, sworn to maintain the Constitution of the United States, he has not avowed a purpose inconsistent with those duties, a resolution not to maintain but to destroy; a determination not to defend but to yield up undefended to the enemies of the United States what he was sent here to protect. That is the question, and that is the only question which has not been discussed, by the defenders of the gentleman from Ohio.

They tell us words can not be the subject of animadversion under the rules of this House, nor under the Constitution of the United States! What becomes of the resolution declaring the member from Maryland [Mr. Harris] to be an unworthy member