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wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them. So they being not able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done any longer; and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain to live even the shortest of time after them, presently laid all they had upon a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by lot, out of them, to slay all the rest. Every one of which laid himself down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of those who by lot executed that melancholy office. And when these ten had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for casting lots for themselves: that he whose lot it was should first kill the other nine: and after all should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage sufficient to be no way behind one another in doing or suffering. So, for a conclusion, the nine offered their necks to the executioner; and he who was the last of all took a view of all the other dead bodies; lest perchance some or other among so many that were slain should want his assistance to be quite dispatched and when he perceived that they were all slain, he set fire to the palace, and with the great force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near his own relations. So these people died with this intention, that they would leave not so much as one soul among them to be subject to the Romans. Yet was there an ancient woman, and another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women in

prudence and learning, with five children,

who had concealed themselves in caverns under ground; and had carried water thither for their drink; and were hidden there when the rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another. Those others were nine hundred and sixty in number; the women and children being included in that computation. This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus, or Nisan. *

Now the Romans expected that they should be fought in the morning. Accordingly they

* A. D. 73.

put on their armor, and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from their banks, to make an assault upon the fortress. But they saw nobody as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire within the place, as well as a perfect silence. well as a perfect silence. So they were at a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they made a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the battering ram, to try whether they could bring any one out that was within. The women heard this noise, and came out of their subterraneous cavern : and informed the Romans of what had been done: and the second of them clearly described all both what was said, and what was done; and the manner of it. Yet did they not easily give attention to such a desperate undertaking, and did not believe it could be as they said. They also attempted to put the fire out, and quickly cutting themselves away through it, they came within the palace, and so met with the multitude of the slain but could take no pleasure in the fact, though it were done to their enemies. Nor could they do other than wonder at the courage of their resolution, and the immoveable contempt of death which so great a number of them had shewn when they perpetrated such an action,

CHAP. X.

OF THE FLIGHT OF THE SICARII TO ALEXANDRIA; AND THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TEMPLE, WHICH HAD FORMERLY BEEN BUILT BY ONIAS THE HIGH-PRIEST.

Weral left the garrison in the fortress to WE keep it: and he himself went away to Casarea. For there were now no enemies left in the country: but it was all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and dangerous disorders even in places very remote from Judea. For still it happened that many Jews were slain at Alexandria, in Egypt. For as many of the Sicarii as were able to flee thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves; but must needs undertake to make

"HEN Masada was thus taken, the ge

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new disturbances; and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves; and to look upon God as their only lord and master. But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them; and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations, to revolt from the Romans. But when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii; and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. They said also, that "These men now they have run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans; they come hither, and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins." Accordingly, they exhorted the multitude to beware lest they should be brought to destruction by their means; and to make an apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them. Accordingly, on being thus apprised of the greatness of the danger they were in, they complied with what was proposed; and ran with great violence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon six hundred of them immediately: but as for all those that fled into Egypt, and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back. Now the courage of these men, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinion, excited universal amazement. For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made

*

* Since Josephus here informs us, that, some of these Sicari, or ruffians, went from Alexandria, (which was itself in Egypt, in a large seuse,) into Egypt, and Thebes, there, situate; Reland, well, observes, from Vossius, that Egypt sometimes denotes proper or upper Egypt, as distinct from Delta, and the lower parts near Palestine. Accordingly, as he adds, those that say it never rains in Egypt must mean the proper or upper Egypt; because it does sometimes rain in the other parts. See the notes on Antiq. II. 7, and III. 1.

use of to them, they could not get any one of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Cæsar was their lord: but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to: as if they received those torments, and the fire itself, with bodies insensible of pain and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders, was the obstinacy of the children. For not one of these was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Cæsar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage of the soul prevail over the weakness of the body.

Now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, sent an account of this commotion to Cæsar; who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish † that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion, and was in Egypt; which was built, and had its denomination from the following occasion. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish highpriests, fled from Antiochus, king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria. And as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance. And when the king agreed to do it, so far as he was able; he desired permission to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country. For that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus, who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem; and that they would then come to him with greater good will;

+ Of this temple of Onias's building in Egypt, see the, notes on Antiq. XIII. 3. But whereas it is elsewhere, both of the War I. 1, and in the Antiquities as now quot ed, said, that this temple was like to that at Jerusalem; and here that it was not like it, but like a tower; there is some reason to suspect the reading here: and that either the negative particle is here to be blotted out, or the word entirely added.

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and that by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him.

*

So Ptolemy complied with his proposals; and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That nomos was called the nomos of Heliopolis: where Onias built a fortress, and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of † sixty cubits. He made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country; and in like manner adorned with gifts: excepting the candlestick. For he did not make a candlestick: but had a single lamp hammered out of a piece of gold: which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold. But the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money; that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition. But he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem; and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly he thought, that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by a prophet, whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple. I

Now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Cæsar's letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man

* We must observe, that Josephus here speaks of Antiochus, who profaned the temple, as now alive, when Onias had leave given him by Philometor to build his temple. Whereas it seems, not to have been actually built till about fifteen years afterwards. Yet because it is said in the Antiquities, that Onias went to Philometor, XII. 9, during the life-time of that Antiochus, it is pro

left none of these donations there: and threatened the priests severely, if they did not bring them all out. Nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there, so much as to come near the place. But when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible: insomuch that there remained no longer the least vestiges of any divine worship that had been in that place. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple, till it was shut up again, was § three hundred and forty-three years.

CHAP. XI.

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CONCERNING JONATHAN, ONE OF THE SICARII WHO STIRRED UP A SEDITION IN SYRENE; AND WAS A FALSE ACCUSER OF THE INNOCENT.

WOW did the madness of the Sicarii, like

Now

a disease, reach as far as the cities of Cyrene. For one Jonathan, a vile person, and by trade a weaver, came thither; and prevailed with no small number of the poorer sort to hearken to him. He also led them into the desert; upon promising them, that he would shew them signs, and apparitions. And as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them. But those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it. So he sent out after him both horsemen and footmen, and easily overcame them: because they were unarmed men. Of these many were slain in the fight; but some were taken alive, and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the head of away is plot, he fled at that time: but upon a diligent search which was made all over the country for him, he was at last taken. And when he was brought to Catullus, he devised a way whereby he both escaped punishment himself, and afforded an

bable he petitioned, and perhaps obtained his leave then : though it were not actually built or finished till fifteen years afterward.

This was the height of Zorobabel's temple.
About A. D. 75.

§ Rather 223.

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occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief. | For he falsely accused the richest men among the Jews; and said that they had excited him to what he did.

ment, or by his means; yet did Vespasian suspect the matter, and make an enquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them; and this on account of Titus's concern about the matter: and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan. For he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.

Now Catullus easily admitted of these calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations; that he might also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish war. But what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy belief to his stories; but he taught the Sicarii But as to Catullus, the emperors were so to accuse men falsely. He told this Jona-gentle to him, that he underwent no severer than, therefore, to name one Alexander, a condemnation at this time. Yet was it not Jew, with whom he had formerly had a quar-long before he fell into a complicated and alrel, and openly professed that he hated him. He also got him to name his wife Bernice, as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain in the first place. Nay, after them he caused all the rich and wealthy Jews to be slain: being no fewer in all than three thousand. This he thought he might do safely; because he confiscated their effects, and added them to Cæsar's revenues.

Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict him of this villany, he extended his false accusations farther; and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against the Jews that were of the best character, both at Alexandria, and at Rome. One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books. However, this plot, thus contrived by Catullus, did not succeed according to his hopes. For though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan and his companions along with him in bonds; and thought he should have had no farther inquisition made as to those lies that were forged under his govern

most incurable distemper, and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body; but the distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other. For he was terribly disturbed; and continually cried out, that he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain standing before him. Whereupon he was not able to contain himself; but leaped out of his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him. This distemper grew worse and worse continually; and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body and in that condition he died. Thus he became an awful instance of divine Providence; and demonstrated that God severely punishes wicked men.

Here I shall put an end to this history: which I formerly promised to deliver with all accuracy, to such as should be desirous of understanding after what, manner this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed. The merits of the work must be left to the determination of the reader. But as for its agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple to say, and that boldly, that I have alone aimed at truth through its entire composition.

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THE

*LIFE

OF

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

THE

HE family from which I am derived is || priesthood, and the dignity of a king, for a not an ignoble one; but hath descended long time together. I will accordingly set all along from the priests. And as nobility down my progenitors in order. My grandamong several people is of a different origin, father's father was named Simon, with the adso with us to be of the sacerdotal dignity is andition of Psellus. He lived at the same time indication of the splendor of a family. Now with that son of Simon the high-priest, who I am not only sprung from a sacerdotal family first of all the high-priests was named + Hyrin general, but from the first of the † twenty- canus. This Simon Psellus had nine sons. four courses. And as among us there is not One of which was Matthias, called Ephlias. only a considerable difference between one He married the daughter of Jonathan, the family of each course and another, I am of the high-priest. Which Jonathan was the first chief family of that first course. Nay, by my of the sons of Asmoneus, who was high-priest, mother, I am of the royal blood. For the and was the brother of Simon the high-priest children of Asmoneus, from whom that family also. This Matthias had a son called Matwas derived, had both the offices of the high-thias Curtus; and that in the § first year of

*N. B. Josephus wrote, or at least finished, this account of his own life, as an appendix to his Antiquities, after the third year of Trajan, A. D. 100, and at least seven years after he finished those Antiquities.

We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of the IId. book against Apion (for the Greek is there lost ;) which says, there were then only four tribes or courses of the priests, instead of twenty four. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there contradicted what he had affirmed here: because even the account there given better agrees to twenty-four than to four courses: while he says that each of those courses contained above

5000 men; which multiplied by only four will not make many more than 20,000 priests: whereas the number 120,000, as multiplied by twenty-four, seems much the most probable, they being about one-tenth of the whole people, even after the captivity. See Ezra ii. 36-39, Nehem. vii. 39-42, 1 Esd. v. 24, 25, with Ezra ii. 64, Nehem. vii. 66, 1 Esd. v. 41. Nor will this common. reading or notion of but four courses of priests agree with Josephus's own farther assertion elsewhere. Antiq. VII. 14, that David's partition of the priests into twenty-four courses had continued to that day.

See Antiq. XVIII. 4.

§ B. C. 134.

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