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Slaves, while requiring it to enact such as would absolutely prevent the immigration of Free Negroes or Mulattoes, a further Compromise was agreed to by Congress under the inspiration of Mr. Clay, by which it was laid down as a condition precedent to her admission as a State-a condition subsequently complied with-that Missouri must pledge herself that her Legislature should pass no act "by which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded from the enjoyment of the privileges and immunities to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the United States.”

This, in a nut-shell, was the memorable Missouri Struggle, and the "Compromise" or Compromises which settled and ended it. But during that struggle-as during the formation of the Federal Constitution and at various times in the interval when exciting questions had arisen-the bands of National Union were more than once rudely strained, and this time to such a degree as even to shake the faith of some of the firmest believers in the perpetuity of that Union. It was during this bitter struggle that John Adams wrote to Jefferson: "I am sometimes Cassandra enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice spirits of the same stamp might produce as many Nations in North America as there are in Europe."

It is true that we had "sown the wind," but we had not yet reaped the whirlwind."

CHAPTER II.

PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.

CHIEF CAUSE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION—OUR INDEPENdence, INDUSTRIAL AS WELL AS POLITICAL-FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERATION DUE TO LACK OF INDUSTRIAL PROTECTION-MADISON'S TARIFF ACT OF 1789-HAMILTON'S TARIFF OF 1790-SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND SOUTHERN VOTES FOR EARLY TARIFFS-WASH

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INGTON AND JEFFERSON ON "PROTECTION "EMBARGO OF
1807-8-WAR OF 1812-15-CONSEQUENT INCREASE OF AMERI-
CAN MANUFACTURES-BROUGHAM'S PLAN-RUIN THREATENED
BY GLUT OF BRITISH GOODS-TARIFF ACT OF 1816-CALHOUN'S
DEFENSE OF PROTECTION "-NEW ENGLAND AGAINST THAT
АСТ-ТНЕ SOUTH SECURES ITS PASSAGE THE PROTECTIVE
TARIFF ACTS OF 1824 AND 1828-SUBSEQUENT PROSPERITY IN
FREE STATES-THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY-BIRTH OF THE FREE
TRADE HERESY IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1797-SIMULTANEOUS
BIRTH OF THE HERESY OF STATE RIGHTS-KENTUCKY RESOLU-
TIONS OF 1798-VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF 1799-JEFFERSON'S
REAL PURPOSE IN FORMULATING THEM ACTIVITY OF THE FEW
SOUTHERN FREE TRADERS-PLAUSIBLE ARGUMENTS AGAINST
PROTECTION "-INGENIOUS METHODS OF 66 FIRING THE SOUTH-
ERN HEART -SOUTHERN DISCONTENT WITH TARIFF of 1824-
INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES-ARMED RESISTANCE URGED TO
TARIFF OF 1828-WALTERBOROUGH ANTI-PROTECTIVE TARIFF
ADDRESS-FREE TRADE AND NULLIFICATION ADVOCACY AP-
PEARS IN CONGRESS-THE HAYNE-WEBSTER DEBATE-MODI-
FIED PROTECTIVE TARIFF OF 1832-SOUTH CAROLINA'S NULLI-
FICATION ORDINANCE-HAYNE ELECTED GOVERNOR OF SOUTH
CAROLINA · HERESY OF "PARAMOUNT ALLEGIANCE TO THE
STATE —SOUTH CAROLINA ARMS HERSELF-PRESIDENT JACKSON
STAMPS OUT SOUTHERN TREASON-CLAY'S COMPROMISE TARIFF OF
1833-CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL'S SOLEMN WARNING-JACK-
SON'S FORECAST.....
Pages 13 to 30.

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7E have seen that the first Federal Congress met at New York in March, 1789. It organized April 6th. None knew better than its members that the war of the American Revolution chiefly grew out of the efforts

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of Great Britain to cripple and destroy our Colonial industries to the benefit of the British trader, and that the Independence conquered, was an Industrial as well as Political Independence; and none knew better than they, that the failure of the subsequent political Confederation of States was due mainly to its failure to encourage and protect the budding domestic manufactures of those States. Hence they hastened, under the leadership of James Madison, to pass "An Act laying a duty on goods, wares and merchandize imported into the United States," with a preamble, declaring it to be "necessary" for the "discharge of the debt of the United States and the encouragement and protection of manufactures." It was approved by President Washington July 4, 1789-a date not without its significance-and levied imports both specific and ad valorem. It was not only our first Tariff Act, but, next to that prescribing the oath used in organizing the Government, the first Act of the first Federal Congress; and was passed in pursuance of the declaration of President Washington in his first Message, that "The safety and interest of the People" required it. Under the inspiration of Alexander Hamilton the Tariff of 1790 was enacted at the second session of the same Congress, confirming the previous Act and increasing some of the protective duties thereby imposed. An analysis of the vote in the House of Representatives on this Tariff Bill discloses the fact that of the 39 votes for it, 21 were from Southern States, 13 from the Middle States, and 5 from New England States; while of the 13 votes against it, 9 were from New England States, 3 from Southern States, and 1 from Middle States. In other words, while the Southern States were for the Bill in the proportion of 21 to 3, and the Middle States by 13 to 1, New England was against it by 9 to 5; or again, while 10 of the 13 votes against it were from the New England and Middle States, 21 (or more than half) of the 39 votes for it were from Southern States.

It will thus be seen-singularly enough in view of subsequent events that we not only mainly owe our first steps in Protective Tariff legislation to the almost solid Southern vote, but that it was thus secured for us despite the opposi

tion of New England. Nor did our indebtedness to Southern statesmen and Southern votes for the institution of the now fully established American System of Protection cease here, as we shall presently see.

That Jefferson, as well as Washington and Madison, agreed with the views of Alexander Hamilton on Protection to our domestic manufactures as against those of foreign Nations, is evident in his Annual Message of December 14, 1806, wherein discussing an anticipated surplus of Federal revenue above the expenditures, and enumerating the purposes of education and internal improvement to which he thinks the "whole surplus of impost" should during times of peace be applied; by which application of such surplus he prognosticates that "new channels of communication will be opened between the States; the lines of separation will disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented by new and indissoluble ties "-he says: "Shall we suppress the impost and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression in due season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid is foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them." But his embargo and other retaliatory measures, put in force in 1807 and 1808, and the War of 1812-15 with Great Britain which closely followed, furnished Protection in another manner, by shutting the door to foreign imports and throwing our people upon their own resources, and contributed greatly to the encouragement and increase of our home manufactures-especially those of wool, cotton, and hemp. At the close of that War the traders of Great Britain determined, even at a temporary loss to themselves, to glut our market with their goods and thus break down forever, as they hoped, our infant manufactures. Their purpose and object were boldly announced in the House of Commons by Mr. Brougham, when he said: "Is it worth while to incur a loss upon the first importation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle those rising manufactures in the United States which the War had forced into existence contrary to

the natural course of things." Against this threatened ruin, our manufacturers all over the United States-the sugar planters of Louisiana among them-clamored for Protection, and Congress at once responded with the Tariff Act of 1816.

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This law greatly extended and increased specific duties on, and diminished the application of the ad valorem principle to, foreign imports; and it has been well described as "the practical foundation of the American policy of encouragement of home manufactures-the practical establishment of the great industrial system upon which rests our present National wealth, and the power and the prosperity and happiness of our whole people. While Henry Clay of Kentucky, William Loundes of South Carolina, and Henry St. George Tucker of Virginia supported the Bill most effectively, no man labored harder and did more effective service in securing its passage than John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. The contention on their part was not for a mere "incidental protection "-much less a "Tariff for revenue only" -but for "Protection" in its broadest sense, and especially the protection of their cotton manufactures. Indeed Calhoun's defense of Protection, from the assaults of those from New England and elsewhere who assailed it on the narrow ground that it was inimical to commerce and navigation, was a notable one. He declared that:

It (the encouragement of manufactures) produced a system strictly American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had the decided advantage of commerce and navigation. The country will from this derive much advantage. Again it is calculated to bind together more closely our wide-spread Republic. It will greatly increase our mutual dependence and intercourse, and will, as a necessary consequence, excite an increased attention to internal improvements-a subject every way so intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength and the perfection of our political institutions."

He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely; that it would form a new and most powerful cement far outweighing any political objections that might

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