was afraid that if Pompeius stayed in Italy it might be supposed that he was keeping these legions near Rome as a menace to Caesar. M. Caelius Rufus3 expressed very nearly the same opinion as Calidius. The consul Lentulus inveighed vehemently against these speakers and others who declared themselves to the same effect; and he said that he would not allow the motion of Calidius to be put to the Senate. Marcellus was so terrified by the violent language of the consul that he withdrew his proposal, and the majority under the influence of threats and fear, for Pompeius had troops outside of the city (Dion, xli. 2), voted for Scipio's motion that Caesar should disband his army before a certain day or be declared an enemy to the State. The tribunes M. Antonius and Q. Cassius placed their veto on this resolution; and then the question was put to the Senate on the validity of the tribunes' intercession; which was done conformably to a resolution of the Senate made in B.C. 51 about the provinces (vol. iv. p. 394). A discussion followed in which strong opinions were expressed, and those who were in favour of the most violent measures received the applause of Caesar's enemies.

The Senate having adjourned according to custom at the approach of evening were invited by Pompeius to come out of the city to confer with him. He commended and encouraged those who had shown most hostility to Caesar, and blamed those who had been lukewarm. At the same time Pompeius called to the city many of the old soldiers who had served under him, and they came with the expectation of reward and promotion: soldiers were also summoned from the two legions which Caesar had sent from Gallia, and Rome was filled with troops.

:

The sittings of the Senate were continued and attended by all the friends of the consuls, and by the adherents of Pompeius and those who had long been Caesar's enemies the weak members were overpowered by the threats and the presence of these violent partisans, the wavering were strengthened, and the larger part of the senators were deprived of all freedom of action. The censor L. Piso, Caesar's

3 He is the man whom Cicero had formerly defended. Vol. iv.

p.

139.

father-in-law, and the praetor L. Roscius, who had been one of Caesar's legati in Gallia, offered to go to Caesar and inform him of the proceedings at Rome: they asked for six days only for the journey to Ravenna and the return. Some senators proposed that commissioners should be sent to communicate to Caesar the resolution of the Senate. These proposals were resisted by the consul Lentulus, by Scipio and by M. Cato. Caesar (B. C. i. 4), who takes great pains to expose the violent behaviour of his enemies and to throw on them the blame of the war, says that Cato was moved by his long settled enmity to Caesar and vexation at his own failure when he was a candidate for the consulship in B.c. 51 (vol. iv. p. 368). Lentulus was deeply in debt, and he expected to set his affairs straight by obtaining the government of a province with an army, and getting money from princes, who were under the protection of Rome, by obtaining for them from the Senate the title of friends of the Roman people: and he was accustomed to boast among his associates that he would be a second Sulla and would rule as Sulla had done. Scipio also expected a province and the command of Roman troops, which his intimate connexion with Pompeius would entitle him to demand: he had some fear also that he might be brought to trial, probably on the charge which he had escaped in B.c. 52 (vol. iv. p. 366) with the help of his son-in-law: he was a vain, ostentatious man, who attached himself to the party which was then in power. Pompeius was urged on by the enemies of Caesar, and as he could not bear any equal or rival, he had detached himself from Caesar and become reconciled to those who were once enemies of both of them, though most of these men had only become Caesar's enemies in consequence of his alliance with Pompeius, who at the same time became Caesar's sonin-law. Pompeius also felt the disgrace which he had brought on himself by using for his own ambitious purposes the two legions taken from Caesar under the pretence of sending them to the East; by which words Caesar may mean, as it has been suggested, that a civil war alone could justify the behaviour of Pompeius and at the same time prove his foresight.

For all these reasons, says Caesar, everything was hurried

on in a violent manner. It is stated by Dion and Plutarch that the Senate changed their dress, or put on mourning, as was sometimes done in time of danger. Caesar's friends had no opportunity allowed of communicating with him, nor could the tribunes maintain their constitutional right of interposing the veto, a privilege which even Sulla had not taken from them (vol. ii. p. 400). On the seventh day from the 1st of January they were compelled to look after their safety by retiring from the city; which the most turbulent tribunes in former times of civil commotion had not done until their term of office had expired. Dion (41, c. 3) states that the consul Lentulus advised the tribunes to leave the Senate; but there is a general agreement among other late authorities that they were driven away by threats or by fear for their lives (Plutarch, Caesar, c. 31; Appian, B. C. ii., 33). Cicero (Ad Fam. xvi. 11. 2) affirms that the tribunes fled, though no violence was threatened. The Senatusconsultum was now voted, which was never used except when the State was in danger: that the consuls, praetors, tribunes of the people and those who were outside the city invested with proconsular power, should provide for the security of the State (ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat). Cicero himself was waiting outside the walls and was of course included in the commission. In the midst of this confusion a crowded Senate demanded a triumph for Cicero, as he says; but Lentulus replied that he would propose this matter for deliberation as soon as he had made all necessary preparations for the public safety, and Cicero waited patiently and prudently without immediately urging his claims. The Senatusconsultum was drawn up on the seventh of January. Thus within the first five days from the 1st of January included, on which the Senate could sit, for the third and fourth were "dies comitiales," on which there could be no sittings, the Senate came to a final resolution about Caesar's demands, set aside the "intercessio" of the tribunes, and rushed into war with their formidable enemy before they were prepared. The tribunes M. Antonius and

Cicero ad Q. Fr. ii. 2, 3, "consecuti sunt dies comitiales, per quos senatus haberi non poterat." Gellius (xiv. 7, 9), " Varro docet deinde inibi multa, quibus diebus haberi senatum jus non sit."

Q. Cassius accompanied by Curio and Caelius, left Rome on the night of the 7th of January in disguise to join Caesar, who was then at Ravenna. These two inviolable magistrates appeared to be flying from Rome to the protection of the man, who was expecting an answer to what he calls his very moderate demands and hoping or pretending to hope that, if his enemies were reasonable, peace might still be maintained.

On the days which followed the 7th of January the Senate met outside of the city, where Pompeius could be present. He confirmed what Scipio had said in his name, commended the firmness of the Senate, and stated what troops he had at his disposal: he had seven legions in Spain, and two in Italy, the two legions which had been taken from Caesar; he declared that he knew that Caesar's soldiers were ill affected towards him, that they would not defend him, or at least would not follow him. Cicero was not deceived by the language of Pompeius: he tells Atticus (vii..13. 2) that all their hopes rested on the two legions of Caesar, which had been fraudulently retained in Italy, legions, as he says, which were hardly their own.

The Senate deliberated on the measures necessary for the protection of the State. It was determined that troops should be raised all through Italy; and Pompeius was supplied with money from the treasury. Before the 12th of January, Italy was divided into military districts, each placed under a commander whose duty it was to enlist soldiers and to collect money. Requisitions of arms were made, the municipia were summoned to furnish contributions, and the temples were robbed of their treasures (B. C. i. 6). It is not stated how the commanders of the military districts were chosen: Cicero says that he took the district of Capua, and we may infer that he had his choice, or perhaps rather he took this district at the request of Pompeius; but about the end of January he speaks of the men being unwilling to be enrolled and not liking the prospect of fighting (Ad Attic. vii. 13. 2).

It was proposed in the Senate to send immediately to Mauritania, Faustus Sulla, son of the dictator Sulla, and sonin-law of Pompeius, to secure the kings Bocchus and Bogudes; but Philippus one of the tribunes prevented the mission of

Faustus. It was also proposed that the Numidian king Juba should be declared an ally and friend, but the consul C. Marcellus would not consent for the present. The provinces were assigned to private persons, as Caesar expresses it, but apparently under the rule by which Cicero had been sent to Cilicia. Scipio, who was consul in B.c. 52, had Syria, and L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul B.C. 54, had Caesar's province of Transalpine Gallia. The appointment of Domitius was therefore in conformity with the Senatusconsultum that no praetor or consul should take a provincial government before the lapse of five years (vol. iv. p. 367); but the appointment of Scipio was against the Senatusconsultum. Both Syria and Transalpine Gallia were consular provinces: the rest were praetorian. M. Considius Nonianus had Gallia Cisalpina, which was also Caesar's province: M. Cato had Sicily: M. Aurelius Cotta had Sardinia: L. Aelius Tubero had the province named Africa, and P. Sestius had Cilicia. The legal form of giving to the provincial governors by a lex curiata de imperio power to command troops was omitted; and yet the governors after performing the usual religious ceremonies in the Capitol left the city wearing the scarlet cloak, which was the dress of a military commander. The consuls also left Rome, as Caesar says (B. C. i. 6).

When Caesar heard of what had been done in the city, he addressed his men. He complained of the wrongs that he had suffered from his enemies at different times; of the envy and jealousy of Pompeius, whom he had always supported; of the "intercessio" of the tribunes being resisted by violence; and of the resolution (ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat), which was a summons to the Roman people to take up arms, and was only used in times of civil commotion, as in the case of Saturninus (vol. ii. c. 10) and the Gracchi; but at the present time there was no pretext or occasion for this declaration. He urged the men to protect their general under whom for nine years they had fought and conquered, and reduced to obedience Gallia and Germania. The soldiers of the thirteenth

↳ Caesar speaks of Philippus and Cotta, as some MSS. have it, being passed over for party reasons. But the passage is supposed to be corrupt. Kraner has "Paulus et Marcellus," the consuls of B.C. 50.