when he told Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian that it was a three months' journey up to the king's residence; but if any one should require a more accurate account than this, I will also point this out to him, for it is necessary to reckon with the above the journey from Ephesus to Sardis. I therefore say that the whole number of stades from the Grecian sea to Susa (for such is the name of the Memnonian city) amounts to fourteen thousand and forty; for from Ephesus to Sardis is a distance of five hundred and forty stades. And thus the three months' journey is lengthened by three days.

ner.

56.

55. Aristagoras, being driven from Sparta, went to Athens, which had been delivered from tyrants in the following manWhen Aristogiton and Harmodius, who were originally Gephyræans by extraction, had slain Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, and brother to the tyrant Hippias, and who had seen a vision in a dream manifestly showing his own fate, after this the Athenians, during the space of four years, were no less, but even more, oppressed by tyranny than before. Now the vision in Hipparchus's dream was as follows. On the night preceding the Panathenaic festival, Hipparchus fancied that a tall and handsome man stood by him, and uttered these enigmatical words: "Lion, endure with enduring mind to bear unendurable ills; no one, among unjust men, shall escape retribution." As soon as it was day he laid these things before the interpreters of dreams, and afterward, having attempted to avert the vision, he conducted the procession in which he perished.

57. The Gephyræans, of whom were the murderers of Hipparchus, were, as they themselves say, originally sprung from Eretria; but, as I find by diligent inquiry, they were Phoenicians, of the number of those Phoenicians who came with Cadmus to the country now called Boeotia, and they inhabited the district of Tanagra, in this country, which fell to their share. The Cadmeans having been first expelled from thence by the Argives, these Gephyræans being afterward expelled by the Boeotians, betook themselves to Athens; and the Athenians admitted them into the number of their citizens, on certain conditions, enacting that they should be excluded from several privileges not worth mentioning. 58. These Phoenicians. who came with Cadmus, and of whom the Gephyræans were, when they settled in this country, introduced among the

Greeks many other kinds of useful knowledge, and more particularly letters; which, in my opinion, were not before known to the Grecians. At first they used the characters which all the Phoenicians make use of; but afterward, in process of time, together with the sound, they also changed the shape of the letters. At that time Ionian Greeks inhabited the greatest part of the country round about them; they having learned these letters from the Phoenicians, changed them in a slight degree and made use of them; and in making use of them, they designated them Phoenician, as justice required they should be called, since the Phoenicians had introduced them into Greece. Moreover, the Ionians, from ancient time, call books made from papyrus, parchments, because formerly, from the scarcity of papyrus, they used the skins of goats and sheep; and even at the present day many of the barbarians write on such skins. 59. And I myself have seen in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes, in Boeotia, Cadmean letters engraved on certain tripods, for the most part resembling the Ionian. One of the tripods has this inscription: "Amphitryon dedicated me on his return from the Teleboans." These must be about the age of Laius, son of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, son of Cadmus. 60. Another tripod has these words in hexameter verse: "Scæus, a boxer, having been victorious, dedicated me, a very beautiful offering to thee, far-darting Apollo." Scæus must have been son of Hippocoon, if indeed it was he who made the offering, and not another person bearing the same name as the son of Hippocoon; and must have been about the time of Edipus, son of Laius. 61. A third tripod has these words, also in hexameters: "Laodamas, being a monarch, dedicated this tripod, a very beautiful offering, to thee, far-seeings Apollo." During the reign of this Laodamas, son of Eteocles, the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives, and betook themselves to the Encheleæ. But the Gephyræans, who were then left, were afterward compelled by the Boeotians to retire to Attica; and they built temples in Athens, in which the rest of the Athenians do not participate, but they are distinct from the other temples, more particularly the temple and mysteries of the Achaan Ceres.

62. Thus I have related the vision of Hipparchus's dream, 8 Or "well-aiming."

and whence were sprung the Gephyræans, of whom were the murderers of Hipparchus; and it is now proper to resume the account I originally set out to relate, and show how the Athenians were delivered from tyrants. While Hippias was tyrant, and embittered against the Athenians on account of the death of Hipparchus, the Alemæonidæ, who were Athenians by extraction, and were then banished by the Pisistratidæ, when they with other Athenian exiles did not succeed in their attempt to effect their return by force, but were signally defeated in their endeavors to reinstate themselves and liberate Athens, having fortified Lipsydrium, which is above Pæonia; thereupon the Alemæonidæ, practicing every scheme against the Pisistratidæ, contracted with the Amphictyons to build the temple which is now at Delphi, but then did not exist; and as they were wealthy, and originally men of distinction, they constructed the temple in a more beautiful manner than the plan required, both in other respects, and also, though it was agreed they should make it of porine stone, they built its front of Parian marble. 63. Accordingly, as the Athenians state, these men, while staying at Delphi, prevailed on the Pythian by money, when any Spartans should come thither to consult the oracle, either on their own account or that of the public, to propose to them to liberate Athens from servitude. The Lacedæmonians, when the same warning was always given them, sent Anchimolius, son of Aster, a citizen of distinction, with an army to expel the Pisistratidæ from Athens, though they were particularly united to them by the ties of friendship, for they considered their duty to the god more obligatory than their duty to men. These forces they sent by sea in ships, and he, having touched at Phalerum, disembarked his army; but the Pisistratidæ, having had notice of this beforehand, called in assistance from Thessaly, for they had entered into an alliance with them. In accordance with their request, the Thessalians with one consent dispatched a thousand horse to their assistance, and their king Cineas, a native of Conium. When the Pisistratidæ

had these auxiliaries, they had recourse to the following plan: having cleared the plains of the Phalereans, and made the country practicable for cavalry, they sent the cavalry against the enemy's camp; and it having fallen on, killed many of the Lacedæmonians, and among them Anchimolius, and the

survivors they drove to their ships. The first expedition from Lacedæmon thus got off; and the tomb of Anchimolius is at Alopeca of Attica, near the temple of Hercules in Cynosarges. 64. Afterward, the Lacedæmonians, having fitted out a larger armament, sent it from Athens, having appointed king Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, commander-in-chief; they did not, however, send it again by sea, but by land. On their entrance into the Athenian territory, the Thessalian cavalry first engaged with them, and was soon defeated, and more than forty of their number fell: the survivors immediately departed straight for Thessaly. Cleomenes having reached the city, accompanied by those Athenians who wished to be free, besieged the tyrants who were shut up in the Pelasgian fort. 65. However, the Lacedæmonians would not by any means have been able to expel the Pisistratida; for they had no intention of forming a blockade, and the Pisistratidæ were well provided with meat and drink; and after they had besieged them for a few days, they would have returned to Sparta; but now an accident happened, unfortunate for one party, and at the same time advantageous to the other; for the children of the Pisistratida were taken as they were being secretly removed from the country; when this occurred, all their plans were thrown into confusion; and, to redeem their children, they submitted to such terms as the Athenians prescribed, so as to quit Attica within five days. They afterward retired to Sigeum, on the Scamander, having governed the Athenians for thirty-six years. They were by extraction Pylians, and Neleïda, being sprung from the same ancestors as Codrus and Melanthus, who, though formerly foreigners, became kings of Athens. For this reason Hippocrates gave the same name to his son, in token of remembrance, calling him Pisistratus, after Nestor's son Pisistratus. Thus the Athenians were delivered from tyrants; and what things worthy of recital they either did or suffered before Ionia revolted from Darius, and Aristagoras the Milesian came to Athens to desire their assistance, I shall now relate.

66. Athens, although it was before powerful, being now delivered from tyrants, became still more so. Two men in it had great influence, Clisthenes, one of the Alcmæonidæ, who is reported to have prevailed with the Pythian, and Isagoras, son of Tisander, who was of an illustrious family, though I

am not able to mention his extraction; his kinsmen, however, sacrifice to Carian Jupiter. These men disputed for power; and Clisthenes, being worsted, gained over the people to his side, and afterward hè divided the Athenians, who consisted of four tribes, into ten; changing the names, derived from the sons of Ion, Geleon, Ægicores, Argades, and Hoples, and inventing names from other heroes who were all natives, except Ajax; him, though a stranger, he added as a near neighbor and ally. 67. Herein, I think, this Clisthenes imitated his maternal grandfather, Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon; for Clisthenes, when he made war on the Argives, in the first place put a stop to the rhapsodists in Sicyon, contending for prizes in reciting the verses of Homer, because the Argives and Argos are celebrated in almost every part; and in the next place, as there was, and still is, a shrine dedicated to Adrastus, son of Talaus, in the very forum of the Sicyonians, he was desirous of expelling him from the country, because he was an Argive. Going, therefore, to Delphi, he consulted the oracle, whether he should expel Adrastus; and the Pythian answered him, saying "that Adrastus indeed was king of the Sicyonians, but Clisthenes deserved to be stoned." Finding the god would not permit this, Clisthenes returned home and considered of a contrivance by which Adrastus might depart of himself. When he thought he had found out a way, he sent to Thebes of Boeotia, and said that he wished to introduce Melanippus, son of Astacus; and the Thebans assented. Clisthenes, therefore, having introduced Melanippus, appointed him a precinct in the very prytaneum, and placed it there in the strongest position. But Clisthenes introduced Melanippus, for it is necessary to mention this motive, because he was the greatest enemy of Adrastus, having killed his brother Mecistes, and his son-in-law Tydeus. When he had appointed him this precinct, he took away the sacrifices and festivals of Adrastus, and gave them to Melanippus. But the Sicyonians had been accustomed to honor Adrastus very highly for the country itself belonged to Polybus, and Polybus dying without a son, gave the sovereignty to Adrastus, the son of his daughter. The Sicyonians paid other honors to Adrastus, and, moreover, celebrated his misfortune by tragic choruses: not honoring Bacchus, but Adrastus, to that time. But Clisthenes transferred these dances to the worship of