FREDERICK-WILLIAM.

shared in the second partition of Poland in 1793, and thus gained a considerable addition to his kingdom, which, by purchase, inheritance, and other means, was augmented during his reign by the acquisition of more than 46,000 square miles of territory, and 24 millions of inhabitants. The chief interna improvements in this reign were the introduction of a new code of laws, and a less onerous mode of raising the taxes.

larger in area than it had been at his own accession, with a full treasury, and an army of 200,000 men. He died at the château of Sans Souci, August 17, 1786. Frederick the Great is said to have inherited all his father's excellences and none of his defects.' His courage, fertility of resource, and indomitable resolution, cannot be too highly praised. Not the least wonderful of his achievements was his contriving to carry on his bloody campaigns without incurring a penny of debt. A true spirit of selfFREDERICK-WILLIAM III., OF PRUSSIA, the sacrifice-though not, perhaps, for the highest ends- son of Frederick-William II., was born in 1770. was in him. Never was king more liberal towards He early took part in the administration, and, on his subjects. In Silesia, where war had nearly his accession in 1797, he at once dismissed the ruined the inhabitants, he once remitted the unworthy favourites of the preceding reign, and taxes for six months, and in Pomerania and New accompanied by his beautiful young queen, Louisa Brandenburg for two years, while his government of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, made a tour of inspection was carried on with rigid economy, such as Europe through the numerous provinces of his kingdom, had never before witnessed. But not only was with a view of investigating their condition, and his government economical, it was essentially just. contributing to their local and general improveReligious persecution was unknown, civil order ment. But although F.-W. was well intentioned, everywhere prevailed; property was secure, and the and in his moral and domestic relations his conpress was free. On the other hand, F.'s faults were duct was exemplary, he lacked the dignity and far from being few. Education had made him force of will to cope with the difficulties of his French in all his ideas and prejudices; and in those position. By his efforts to maintain an attitude days, to be French was to be sceptical. He was of neutrality in the great European struggle that utterly unconscious of the grand intellectual and had been excited by the wars and victories of spiritual life that was about to spring up in Ger- the French, he awakened the distrust of all the many, and to make it again the guiding-star of great anti-Gallican powers of Europe, and disapEurope, as it had been in the days of Luther. He pointed the petty German princes, who had looked was, in fact, almost ignorant of his native language, upon Prussia as their protectress against foreign which, moreover, he despised as semi-barbaric; encroachments. Napoleon's promises of support though before his death Goethe had published his and friendly intentions soon changed this neutrality Götz von Berlichingen, Sorrows of Werther, Iphigenia to an alliance with France, and for some time in Tauris, and many of his finest lyrics; while Kant, Prussia persevered in her dishonourable and selfbesides a variety of lesser works, had also given seeking policy, which was rewarded by the acquito the world his master-piece, the Critique of Pure sition of Hildesheim, Paderborn, and Münster, Reason. The new literature was essentially one of which added nearly 4000 square miles of territory, belief and aspiration, and therefore alien to the and half a million of inhabitants to the kingtendencies of the royal disciple of Voltaire, who had dom; but at length the repeated and systematic learned from his master to cherish at once contempt insults of Napoleon, who despised F.-W. while he and suspicion of his fellow-creatures. This disagree-professed to treat him as a friend, roused the spirit able feature of his character increased with years. of the nation, and the king saw himself obliged, He declared the citizen class to be destitute alike of in 1805, to agree to a convention with Russia, the ability and honour, and relied not on the love of the real object of which was to drive Napoleon out of nation, but on his army and purse. F. was a very Germany. Again the treachery of Prussia led her voluminous writer. Of his numerous works, all of to make a new treaty with France, by which she which are written in French, his Mémoires pour consented to receive the electorate of Hanover, servir à l'Histoire de Brandenbourg, and Histoire de and thus involved herself in a war with England. la Guerre de Sept Ans, exhibit perhaps the greatest The insults of Napoleon were redoubled after this powers of description, but all evince talent of no fresh proof of F.-W.'s indecision. The Prussian common order. The Academy of Berlin, by the nation, headed by the queen, now called loudly for direction of Frederick-William IV., brought out war, and at the close of 1806, the king yielded to a fine edition of his collected works in octavo these appeals. Hostilities began without further and quarto, 1846-1851. Frederick left no children, delay; but the defeat of the Prussians at Jena, and was succeeded by his nephew, Frederick-William Eylau, and Friedland, compelled their unfortunate II. See Carlyle, History of Frederick II.; Pagenel, monarch to sue for peace. The Prussian army was Histoire de F. le Grand (Par. 1830); Riedel, annihilated, and the whole of the kingdom, with the Gesch. d. Preussisch. Königsh. (Berl. 1861). exception of a few fortified places, remained in the power of the French. By the intervention of the Emperor Alexander of Russia, a peace was concluded, known as the Treaty of Tilsit, by which F.W. lost the greater part of his realm, and was deprived of all but the semblance of royalty; but although for the next five years he was a mere tool in the hands of Napoleon, who seized every oppor tunity of humbling and irritating him, his spirit was not subdued, and his unremitting efforts at this period of his life to reorganise his enfeebled government by self-sacrifices of every kind, endeared him greatly to his people. The disastrous termination of Napoleon's Russian campaign was the turningpoint in the fortunes of Prussia; for although the French emperor was victorious over the Prussians and Russians in the battles of Lützen and Bautzen, which were fought soon after the declaration of war which F.-W. had made against France, to the

FREDERICK-WILLIAM II., OF PRUSSIA, was born in 1744, and died in 1797. After a prolonged estrangement between his uncle and himself, he regained the good-will of the king by his valour in the war of the Bavarian succession in 1778; but although he succeeded to a well-consolidated power and an overflowing treasury, he had not the capacity to maintain his favourable position. Futile or hastily undertaken wars wasted his resources; so that at his death, instead of the overplus of 70,000,000 thalers that had been bequeathed to him, the state was hampered with a debt of 22,000,000. His predilection for unworthy favourites, the establishment of a strict censorship of the press, and the introduction of stringent ecclesiastic enactments, alienated the affections of the people from him, although his natural mildness of disposition had excited the sanguine hopes of the nation on his accession. F.-W.

FREDERICK-WILLIAM-FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

the Established Church in the standards which they 1688, an act ratifying the Westminster Confession receive; and all the laws of the church existing of Faith itself, and incorporating with the statute and in force prior to the Disruption, are acknow-law of the realm all its statements concerning the ledged as still binding in the one as much as in the province of church-judicatories and that of the other, except in so far as they may since have been civil magistrate, and the bounds of their respective repealed. The same Presbyterian constitution sub- powers. sists in both churches, with the same classes of office-bearers and gradations of church-courts. The F. C., indeed, professes to maintain this constitution and church-government in a perfection impossible in the present circumstances of the Established Church, because of acts of parliament by which the Established Church is trammelled, and interventions of civil authority to which it is liable. And the whole difference between the F. C. and the Established Church relates to the consent and submission of the Established Church to this control of the civil power in things which the F. C. regards as belonging not to the province of civil government, but to the church of Christ and to its office-bearers and courts, as deriving authority from Him; so that the controversy is often described as respecting the Headship of Christ or the Kingdom of Christ. It is to be borne in mind, however, that the doctrine of the headship of Christ over his church, as set forth in the Westminster standards, is fully professed both by the Established Church and by the F. C. of Scotland; the only question between them is, whether or not the existing relations of the Established Church of Scotland to the state are consistent with the due maintenance and practical exhibition of this doctrine. And the question does not directly relate to Voluntaryism (q. v.). Those who constituted the F. C. of S. in 1843, firmly believed that the church might be connected with the state, and receive countenance and support from it, to the advantage of both; whilst they maintained that there must not, for the sake of any apparent benefits flowing from such connection, be any sacrifice of the independence or self-government of the church, as the kingdom of Christ, deriving its existence, organisation, and laws from Him. Nor has any change of opinion on this subject been manifested.

The Westminster Confession of Faith asserts 'that there is no other head of the church but the Lord Jesus Christ;' and that the Lord Jesus, as King and Head of his church, hath therein appointed a government in the hand of church-officers, distinct from the civil magistrate;' it ascribes to these church-officers the right of meeting in 'synods or councils,' which it affirms to be an ordinance of God; and represents the exercise of church-discipline as intrusted to them as well as the ministry of the word and sacraments. It ascribes to the civil magistrate much power and many duties concerning things spiritual, but no power in or over these things themselves. And all this was equally the doctrine of the Church of Scotland before the Westminster Confession was compiled. The support which, in many parts of Europe, princes gave to the cause of the Reformation, and the circumstance that states as well as churches were shaking off the fetters of Rome, led in many cases to a confounding of the civil and the spiritual. The Church of Scotland accomplished its emancipation from Rome, not with the co-operation of the civil power, but in spite of its resistance; and after the Reformation, the Scottish Reformers and their successors were compelled to a closer study of their principles, by the continued attempts of the civil rulers to assume authority over all the internal affairs of the church. But amidst their struggles, the Presbyterians of Scotland so far prevailed as to obtain at different times important acts of parliament in recognition of their principles, and ratification of the liberty of the true kirk;' and finally, after the Revolution of

The rights and privileges of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, guaranteed by the Revolution settlement, were expressly secured by the Treaty of Union, and jealously reserved from the power of the British parliament; yet within five years afterwards, when Jacobite counsels prevailed in the court of Queen Anne, an act was passed for the restoration of patronage in Scotland, with the design of advancing the Jacobite interest by rendering ministers more dependent on the aristocracy, and less strenuous advocates of the most liberal principles then known. This act soon became the cause of strife within the Church of Scotland, and of separation from it; effects which have continually increased to the present day. How the church at first earnestly protested against the act; how this protest gradually became formal, and was at last relinquished; how the church-courts themselves became most active in carrying out the settlement of presentees, notwithstanding all opposition of congregations, are points to which it is enough here to allude. It is important, however, to observe that in all the enforcement of the rights given to patrons by the act of 1712, during the 18th c., and considerable part of the 19th, no direct invasion of the ecclesiastical province took place on the part of civil courts or of the civil power; the presentation by the patron was regarded as conveying a civil right at most to the benefice or emoluments only, whilst the church-courts proceeded without restraint in the induction of ministers; and in a few instances it happened that the benefice and the pastoral office were disconnected by the opposite decisions of the civil and ecclesiastical courts. And even the 'forced settlements,' in which the fullest effect was given by the church-courts to the will of patrons, were accomplished according to the ancient form, upon the call of the parishioners, inviting the presentee to be their minister, although the call was a mere form-in the words of Dr Chalmers, 'the expressed consent of a few, and these often the mere driblet of a parish.'

When the Moderate' party, long dominant in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, became again the minority in 1834, the accession of the Evangelical' party to power was at once signalised by an attempt to restore the call to efficacy. This was done by the famous Veto Law, by which it was declared that it is a fundamental law of this church that no pastor shall be intruded on any congregation contrary to the will of the people,' and enacted, in order to give effect to this principle, that a solemn dissent of a majority of male heads of families, members of the vacant congregation, and in full communion with the church, shall be deemed sufficient ground for the rejection of the presentee. The Veto Law thus determined rather how strong an expression of dissent by the parishioners should be requisite to invalidate a call, than how strong an expression of assent should be requisite to give it validity; a circumstance which was afterwards much turned to account in controversy; as if the veto were a new and unconstitutional principle introduced; although it was certainly adopted as the least extreme mode of giving effect to the old principle which the law declared.

The same General Assembly by which the Veto Act was passed, is memorable for the assertion of the constitutional principles and inherent powers of

FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

FREE CITIES-FREE PORT.

Court of Session, on the alleged ground of irregu larity in the proceedings of the ecclesiastical judicatories, demanding the suspension of the sentence; and being on this account summarily deposed by the General Assembly, he raised an action in the Court of Session, not only claiming damages, but to have the sentence rescinded and found null and void. The case has not yet (May 1862) been brought to a conclusion, and no opinion can therefore be safely expressed as to its probable results or effects.

FREE CITIES, the name given to those German towns, Hamburg, Bremen, Lubec, and Frankfurton-the-Maine, which are of themselves sovereign states and members of the German confederation. They are remnants of the once numerous ‘Imperial' cities, or cities not subject to any superior lord, but immediately under the empire. They obtained their privileges and distinctions on account of aiding the emperor against his arrogant nobles, lay and clerical, or by purchase.

FREE-LANCES were roving companies of knights and men-at-arms, who, after the Crusades had ceased to give them employment, wandered from state to state, selling their services to any lord who was willing to purchase their aid in the perpetual feuds of the middle ages. They played their most prominent part in Italy, where they were known as Condottïeri (q. v.).

In the most

FREEMAN AND FREEDMAN. general acceptation of these terms, the first implies one who has inherited the full privileges and immunities of citizenship: the second, one who has been delivered from the restraints of bondage, but who, usually, is not placed in a position of full social or even political equality with him who was born free. Though the words are Teutonic (being composed of frei, free; and mann, a man or human being), the distinction between them depends on the constitution of Roman society. The equivalent for freeman (liber homo), indeed, comprehended all classes of those who were not slaves; but the distinction here FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. See PRESS. pointed out was preserved by the application of the FREEHOLD, ESTATE OF (liberum tenementum, term ingenuus to him who was born free (Gaius, frank tenement). Real estates in England in the i. 11), and of libertinus to him who, being born present day are divided into freehold and copy-in servitude, was emancipated. For the further hold. By freehold property is meant all estates development of this subject, as regards the classical which owe no duty or service to any lord but nations of antiquity, see SLAVERY, CITIZEN. As the king. What are now known as estates of free- the organisation of Roman society survived the hold were, under the feudal system, denominated convulsions of the middle ages to a far greater frank tenements. They were held by the honour- extent in the towns (see MUNICIPIUM, MUNICIPAI able tenure of Knight's Service (q. v.) and Free GOVERNMENT) than in the landward districts, where Socage (q. v.), and might have been held either the institutions of feudality almost entirely superof the crown or of a subject. But the statute of seded it, it is in the borough and other municipal Quia emptores having abolished subinfeudation, all corporations of this country, and of continental freehold estates, except those which have been held Europe, that we still find freemen, or persons inheritof subjects since the time of Edward I., are now ing or acquiring by adoption, purchase, or apprenticeheld of the crown. A freehold estate must be an ship, the rights of citizenship. See FREEMAN'S ROLL. estate in fee, in tail, or for life; all other estates in But the idea of a freeman was by no means peculiar land, as estates for years, are called chattel interests. to the Roman or Romanised population of Europe; An estate of freehold could in general be created on the contrary, it belonged to the constitution of only by livery of sasine of Feoffment (q. v.). By society in all the Indo-Germanic nations. Amongst the doctrine of the feudal law, no person who had those branches of them commonly known as Teutonic, an estate of less duration than for his own life or it was generally based on the possession of some for the life of another man, was considered to be a portion of the soil. In Anglo-Saxon England, the freeholder; and none but a freeholder was con- freemen were divided into Ceorls (q. v.) and Eorls sidered to have possession of the land. A tenant for (q. v.), or Thanes (q. v.). See CITIZEN. years, &c., was regarded as holding possession for the freeholder. The possession of the freeholder might, however, be defeated by the wrongful act of the tenant; for a transfer of possession or livery of sasine by the tenant would divest the freeholder, and leave him to his Right of Entry (q. v.). This effect of a feoffment by wrong was abolished by 8 and 9 Vict. c. 106, s. 4. Before the time of Henry VI., all freeholders were entitled to vote on the election of a knight of the shire, as they still may for the appointment of coroner. But by 8 Hen. VI. c. 7, the famous statute was passed which still in great measure regulates the county elections, and enacts that no freeholder shall vote who cannot spend from his freehold at least 40s. a year. By 2 Will. IV. c. 45, s. 18, this qualification is continued as to all freeholds of inheritance, and to freeholders for life in actual occupation, or who have acquired their lands by marriage, marriage settlement, devise, or promotion to any benefice or office. FREEHOLD LAND SCHEME had for its object to enable mechanics, artisans, and other persons belonging to the lower classes, to purchase a piece of freehold land, of such yearly value as to entitle the owner to the elective franchise. Irrespective of any political object, benefit building societies now exist in most of the greater towns of this country, and are believed to be of great service to the labouring-man. See BENEFIT SOCIETIES.

FREEMAN'S ROLL. By 5 and 6 Will. IV. c.

76, commonly called the Municipal Corporations' Act, which placed the corporate towns, or, as they are denominated, the boroughs enumerated in the schedules A and B-i. e., nearly all the boroughs in England and Wales except London-under one uniform constitution, a distinction is made (s. 2) between the Freeman's Roll and the Burgess Roll. Every person who, if the act had not passed, would, as a burgess or freeman, have enjoyed, or might have acquired, the right of voting in the election of members of parliament, is to be entitled to enjoy or acquire such right as heretofore. And it is further enacted (s. 5), that the town-clerk of each borough shall make out a list, to be called the Freeman's Roll, of all persons admitted burgesses or freemen, for the purpose of such reserved rights as aforesaid, as distinguished from the burgesses newly created by the act, and entitled to the rights which it newly confers; these last are to be entered on another roll, to be called the Burgess Roll. See BURGESS.

FREEMASON, FREEMASONRY. See MASON; MASONS, FREE.

FREE PORT (Ital. Porto Franco), is a harbour where the ships of all nations may enter on paying a moderate toll, and load and unload. Free ports form dépôts where goods are stored at first without paying duty; these goods may then be either