British America has been hitherto diftinguished from the flavish colonies around about it, as the fortunate Britons have been from most of their neighbours on the continent of Europe. It is for the intereft of Great-Britain that her colonies fhould be ever thus diftinguished. Every man must wilfully blind himself that don't see the immense value of our acquifitions in the late war; and that though we did not retain all at the conclufion of the peace that we obtained by the fword; yet our gracious Sovereign, at the fame time that he has given a divine leffon of equitable moderation to the princes of the earth, has retained fufficient to make the British arms the dread of the univerfe, and his name dear to all pofterity. was firft difcovered, and that by Brtifh fuffering them to have a firm poffeffion of fubjects. Ten generations have paffed fo many valuable islands, that we had a away through infmite toils and bloody better title to than they. 2. The French conflicts in fettling this country. None unable to push their fettlements effectually of those ever dreamed but that they were on the continent, have bent their views to intitled, at least, to equal privileges with the islands, and poured vaft numbers into thofe of the fame rank born within the them. 3. The climate and business of realm. thefe islands is by nature much better adapted to Frenchmen and to Negroes, than to Britons. 4 The labour of flaves, black or white, will be ever cheaper than that of freemen, because that of the individuals among the former, will never be worth fo much as with the latter; but this difference is more than supplied; by numbers under the advantages above mentioned. The French will ever be able to fell their Weft-India produce cheaper than our islanders: and yet while our own iflanders can have fuch a price for theirs, as to grow much richer than the French, or any other of the King's fubjects in America, as is the cafe, and what the northern colonies take from the French, and other foreign islands, centers finally in returns to Great-Britain for her manufactures, to an immense value, and with a vaft profit to her: It is contrary to the first principles of policy to clog fuch a trade with duties, much more to prohibit it to the rifque if not certain deftruction of the fishery. It is allowed by the most accurate British writers on commerce, Mr. Poftlethwait in particular, who seems to favour the cause of the fugar islands, that one half of the immenfe commerce of Great-Britain is with her colonies. It is very certain that without the fishery feven-eights of this commerce would ceafe. The fishery is the center of motion, upon which the wheel of all the Britifh commerce in America turns. Without the American trade, would Britain, as a commercial state, make any great figure at this day in Europe? Her trade in woollen and other manufactures, is said to be leffening in all parts of the world, but America, where it is increafing, and capable of infinite increase, from a concurHere is an extenfive territory of different rence of every circumstance in its favour. climates, which in time will confume, and be able to pay for as many manufactures as Great-Britain and Ireland can make, if true maxims are purfued. The French for reafons already mentioned, can underwork, and confequently underfell the English manufactures of Great To the freedom of the British constitution, and to their increase of commerce, it is owing that our colonies have flourish ed without diminishing the inhabitants of the mother country, quite contrary to the effects of plantations made by molt other nations, which have fuffered at home, in order to aggrandize themselves abroad. This is remarkably the cafe with Spain. The subjects of a free and happy conftitution of government, have a thoufand advantages to colonize above thofe who live under defpotic princes. We fee how the British colonies on the continent, have out-grown thofe of the French, notwithtanding they have ever engaged the Savages to keep us back. Their advantages over us in the Weft-Indies are, among other caufes perhaps, partly owing to thefe, 1. A capital neglect in former reigns, in NOTE. according to the laws of the state. If the people do not voluntarily fubmit, the ftate of war fubfifts." When a fovereign as pretending to have the abfolute difpofal of a people whom he has conquered, is for inqaving them, he causes the ftate of war to fubfift between this people and him." Mr. D' Vattel,B 3. C. 10. fec. 201. The Cabots difcovered the Continent before the Spaniards. Britain Britain in every market in Europe. But they can fend none of their manufactures here; and it is the with of every honest British American that they never may; it is beft they never fhould; we can do better without the manufactures of Europe, fave thofe of Great-Britain, than with them: But without the French Weft-India produce we cannot; without it our fishery muft infallibly be ruined. When that is gone, our own iflands will very poorly fubfift. No British manufactures can be paid for by the colonists, What will follow? One of these two things, both of which it is the intereft of Great-Britain to prevent. 1. The northern colonists must be content to go naked, and turn Savages; or, 2. Become manufacturers of linen and woollen, to clothe themselves; which, if they cannot carry to the perfection of Europe, will be very deftructive to the interefts of Great-Britain. The computation has been made, and that within bounds, and it can be demonftrated, that if NorthAmerica is only driven to the fatal neceffity of manufacturing a fuit of the moft ordinary linen or woollen for each inhabitant annually, which may be foon done, when neceffity, the mother of invention, fhall operate, Great-Britain and Ireland will lofe two million per annum, befides a diminution of the revenue to nearly the fame amount. This may appear paradoxical, but a few years experience of the execution of the fugar act, will fufficiently convince the parliament not only of the inutility, but deftructive tendency of it, while calculations may be little attended to. That the trade with the colonies has been of furprizing advantage to Great-Britain, notwithstanding the want of a good regulation is past all doubt. Great-Britain is well known to have increafed prodigioufly both in numbers and in wealth fince he began to colonize. To the growth of the plantations Britain is in a great measure indebted for her prefent riches and ftrength. As the wild wastes of America have been turned into plealant habitations, and flourishing trading towns; fo many of the little villages and obfcure boroughs in Great-Britain have put on a new face, and fuddenly started up, and become fair markets, and manufacturing towns, and opulent cities. London itfelf, which bids fair to be the metropolis of the world, is five times more populous than it was in the days of Queen Elizabeth. Such are the fruits of the fpirit of commerce and liberty. Hence it is manifeft how much we all owe to that beautiful form of civil government, under which we have the happiness to live. It is evidently the intereft, and ought to be the care of all those intrufted with the adminiftration of government, to fee that every part of the British empire enjoys to the full, the rights they are intitled to by the laws, and the advantages which refult from their being maintained with impartiality and vigour. This we have feen reduced to practice in the prefent and preceding reigns; and have the higheft reafon, from the paternal care and goodness, that his Majefty, and the British parliament, have hitherto been graciously pleafed to difcover to all his Majesty's dutiful and loyal fubjects, and to the colonifts in particular, to reft fatisfied, that our privileges will remain facred and inviolate. The connection between GreatBritain aud her colonies is so natural and ftrong, as to make their mutual happinefs depend upon their mutual fupport. Nothing can tend more to the deftruction of both, and to forward the measures of their enemies, than fowing the feeds of jealousy, animofity and diffention between the mother country and the colonies. A conviction of the truth and importance of thefe principles, induced GreatBritain during the late war, to carry on fo many glorious enterprizes for the defence of the colonies; and those on their part to exert themselves beyond their ability to pay, as is evident from the parliamentary reimbursements. If the fpirit of commerce was attended to, perhaps, duties would be every where decreased, if not annihilated, and prohibitions multiplied. Every branch of trade that hurts a community, fhould be prohibited, for the fame reason that a private gentleman would break off all commerce with a fharper or an extorfive ufurer. It is to no purpose to higgle with such people, you are fure to lose by them. It is exactly fo with a nation, if the balance is against them, and they can possibly subfift without the commodity, as they generally can in fuch cafes, a prohibition is the only remedy; for a duty in fuch cafe, is like a compofition with a thief, that for five fhillings in the pound returned, he fhall rob you at pleasure; when if the thing is examined to the bottom, you are at five fhillings expence in travelling to get back your five fhillings, and he is at the fame expence in coming to pay it, fo he robs you of but ten fhillings in the pound, that you thus wifely compound for. To apply this to trade, I believe every duty that was ever impofed on commerce, or in the nature of things can be, will be found to be divided between the ftate impofing the duty, and the country exported from. This, if between the feveral parts of the fame kingdom or dominions of the faine Prince, can only tend to embarrass trade, and raise the price of labour above other ftates, which is of very pernicious confequence to the hufbandman, manufacturer, mariner and merchant, the four tribes that fupport the whole hive. If your duty is upon a commodity of a foreign ftate, it is either upon the whole useful and gainful, and therefore neceflary for the husbandman, manufacturer, mariner or merchant, as finally bringing a profit to the ftate by a balance in her favour; or the importation will work a balance against your flate. There is no medium that we know of. If the commodity is of the former kind, it should be prohibited; but if the latter, imported duty free; unless you would raise the price of labour by a duty on neceffaries, or make the above wife compofition for the importation of commodities you are fure to lose by. The only teft of a useful commodity is the gain upon the whole to the ftate; fuch fhould be free; the only teft of a pernicious trade is the lofs upon the whole, or to the community; this fhould be prohibited. If therefore it can be demonftrated that the fugar and molaffes trade from the northern colonies to the foreign plantations is upon the whole a lofs to the community, by which term is here meant the three kingdoms and the British dominions taken collectively, then, and not till then, should this trade be prohibited. This never has been proved, nor can be; the contrary being certain, to wit, that the nation upon the whole had been a vast gainer by this trade, in the vend of and pay for its manufactures; and a great lofs by a duty upon this trade will finally fall on the British husbandman, manufacturer, mariner and merchant, and confequently the trade of the nation be wounded, and in conftant danger of being eat out by those who can underfell her. The art of underfelling, or rather of finding means to underfell, is the grand fecret of thirft among commercial states, as well as among individuals of the fame flate. Should the British fugar islands ever be able to fupply Great-Britain and her northern colonies with thofe articles, it will be time enough to think of a total prohibition; but until that time, both prohibition and duty will be found to be diametrically oppofite to the firft principles of policy. Such is the extent of this continent, and the increase of its inhabitants, that if every inch of the British sugar iflands was as well cultivated as any part of Jamaica or Barbadoes, they would not now be able to supply Great-Britain, and the colonies on this continent. But before fuch farther improvements can be fuppofed to take place in our islands, the demands will be proportionably increased by the increase of the inhabitants on the continent. Hence the reason is plain why the British fugar planters are growing rich, and ever will, becaufe the demand for their produce has, and ever will be greater than they can poffibly fupply, fo long as the English hold this continent, and are unrivalled in the fishery. We have every thing good and great to hope from our gracious Sovereign, his Miniftry and his Parliament; and truft that when the fervices and fufferings of the British American colonies are fully known to the mother country, and the nature and importance of the plantation trade more perfectly understood at home, that the most effectual measures will be taken for perpetuating the British empire in all parts of the world. An empire built upon the principles of juftice, moderation and equity, the only principles that can make a ftate flourifling, and enable it to elude the machinations of its fecret and inveterate enemies. The frequency with which the Character of Judge Jefferys, has of late been mentioned, makes it neceffary, for the information of our readers, to present them with the following. The Life of Lord High Chancellor Jefferys, commonly known by the name of Judge Jefferys. The The imprecation made by colonel Sydney on receiving fentence, in these words; If the fhedding of blood that is innocent must be revenged, let the weight of it fall upon thofe that malicioufly perfecute me for righteoufnefs fake, is fo remarkable, and appears to be fo exadly fulfilled in the fequel, (divine vengeance overtaking his perfecutors when they leaf expected it, and in a particular manner felecting the chief justice Jefferys for an example) that I have thrown to gether fome of the most friking paffages of bis life, and fhould be glad to fee it inferted in your Magazine; to fhew, not only that no power on earth can escape the band of the Almighty, but that the higher the fation, and the more important the truft committed to any one's charge, the fooner be may expect to be overtaken in his iniquity; when be, like colonel Sydney's wicked judge, covers injuftice and oppreffion under the form of law. LORD chancellor an arbitrary miniftry, was a Welchman, born of obfcure parents in Denbighshire, and fent from a country school to ftudy the law in the Inner Temple, where the narrowness of the fubfiftence allowed him by his relations, put him upon very early schemes to promote the means of maintaining the dignity of his profeffion, and of affociating with gentlemen of fome reputation, whofe company he fought much more than the neceffary qualifications of a good lawyer; fo that his knowledge extended very little farther, than what could be picked out of the proceedings of the feveral courts, and from the converfation of gentlemen eminent in the profeffion. His firft appearance happened at a time that favoured his talent of caballing; and his intrigues with the ladies, was found of eminent fervice to recommend him to the great men, who, foon after the reftoration, formed themfelves into a party, to defend the conftitution of the nation against the attempts of an arbitrary court. This party, difcovering him to have a pufhing and enterprifing genius, grew very fond of him, and delivered him from the uneafinefs of his fcanty income; and he thus cherished and encouraged, did every thing in his power to convince them of his zeal for the caufe of liberty, and ran the greatest lengths in the fervice of the patriots. January, 1765. Being called to the bar, his friends united their intereft, to give him an opportunity to exert himfelf: fo that he foon got to be a man of confideration in bufinefs, and was conftantly employed in all caufes, where party was concerned; and the citizens of London took the first opportunity to compliment him with the office of their recorder. Jefferys improved every incident to his own advantage, till at length, he found himfelf at the head of his party; and being at the bottom of their fecrets as well as fentiments, he prefently knew their ftrength and power. At the fame time he was convinced, that as the court-party daily gained ground, they would at laft be able to crush the oppofition to their meafures. This was the trial and touchftone of his principles. Ambition was his predominant paffion. Refolved to facrifice honour, gratitude, and juftice to his private in Jeffery did helitate a to defert men, who had done all in their power, and could do no more for him, and to take the road to preferment; and, as he was known to be in poffeffion of the fecrets of his party, he had reafon to expect a kind reception at court. He changes fides all at once, without much decency; and he conducted himself with fo uch dexterity, that he gained his point in the confidence of the ministry: for, he was not content to defert his friends and to betray them, but he fought every opportu nity to treat them, without the leaft injury or provocation given him, as the common enemies to mankind; difdaining what the world might fay of his conduct and behaviour, who had caft off all regard to focial virtue, and was determined to act upon court maxims. However, the turn given to the politics of the nation by the popifh plot, reduced the court-party to fo low an ebb, that he, Jefferys, was again upon the totter. He faw that there was fcarce a man in the miniftry, that had courage enough to refift the progrefs of the country-party; but he could have no expectations from men, whom he had provoked with ingratitude, treachery, and cruel treatment. dilemma, he had no other way to fecure himself, than to run all lengths, and to face all dangers with the miniftry; and the courtiers to confirm him in their intereft, and to encourage him in the exe E In this tereft, cution of their arbitrary meafures, which was the only means of their fupport, made him king's ferjeant, and chief juftice of Chefter. Here we find him at the head of the abhorrers, thofe fycophants of the court, who, in oppofition to the addreffes of the nation to his majeity for calling a parliament, declared their abhorrence in counter-addreffes, at the liberty taken by fome men, to require the king to hold a parliament. They alfo thanked the king for recalling the duke of York, contrary to his exprefs engagement. Party ran very high. The patriots prefented the duke of York as a popish recufant, by a bill in form at the king's bench bar, Weltminster; and the neceflities of the court obliged the king to call a parliament. Their first bufinefs was to proceed against the abhorrers, and in particular, they ordered an addrefs to be piefented to the king, to remove from all public offices, Sir George Jefferys, ferjeant at law, recorder of London, and chief juftice of Chefter, as guilty of the fame crime of abhorrence, and a betrayer of the rights of the subject. But Jefferys was too ferviceable to be cashiered, and the daily proofs he gave of his fincere attachment to the court, fecured him under the protection of his majefty. He was first in all the measures to defend the duke of York, and drew upon him the indignation and refentment of the whole kingdom, by worrying all that came in his clutches, and dared to appear in oppofition to a popish fucceffor. The court began their perfecution at the prefs. The news-writers were feverely handled, that prefumed to publifh their fentiments in diflike of the measures of the court. The miniftry proceeded from this attempt on the liberty of the prefs, to attack the liberty of the fubject alfo. Jefferys advi fed the arreft of the earl of Shaftesbury, who was fent to the Tower, and to indict his lordship for high-treafon at the Old Baily; but this did not fucceed: the grand jury threw out the bill, and delivered the earl from the hands of Jefferys, who took upon him the management of the cause against that worthy patriot. Poor Col. lege, the Proteftant joiner, as he was called, did not escape fo well; for, though the indictment against him was alfo returned ignoramus, Jefferys had him rcmoved from London to Oxford, prefer. red another bill, for words pretended to be fpoken by him in that city, and found means, by fubornation of witneffes, and the partiality of the judges, to condemn him, and put him to death; by way of terror, to prevent any murmurings and complaints against the arbitrary measures of the court. As Jefferys was convinced, that his fole dependance was upon the fucceffion of the duke of York to the crown, he thought it neceffary to try every means to bring his highnefs back to court, where he might be at hand to influence the councils at any critical juncture; and by his prefence, to prevent the fatal effects of a demife, fhould the king fall, during his ftay in Scotland; in which cafe it was probable, the duke of Monmouth would have been placed upon the throne. to The duke of York being returned to court, and at the head of the court-party, Sir George Jefferys advifed him to proceed to violent and unprecedented means punish the city of London, and fo to model their charter, and charters of all corperations in the kingdom, as to make them fubfervient to the dictates of the court. Several aldermen were imprisoned and heavily fined, for a pretended riot at the election of fheriff: a quo warranto was brought against the city charter, and Jefferys fo managed it, that the judges of the king's bench, declared that charter to be forfeited. The duke of York now looked upon Sir George Jefferys in the most advantageous light. His highnefs was so pleased with his fervices, that he prevailed with the king to raise him to the office of chief juftice of the king's-bench upon the first vacancy. In which fituation he fcrupled nothing, to deliver his party from all oppofition: law, juftice, humanity, were proftituted and caft off, to pave the way for a popifh fucceffor to the throne, as moft remarkably does appear, in the trial of colonel Algernon Sydney abovementioned, and others involved in that dark and minifterial plot: contrived to cut off the most active patriots, under the fuggeftion of being concerned together in a defign to affaflinate the king. Now lord chief justice Jefferys, having waded through the drudgery and mire of this reign, and weathered the ftorm raifed by the duke of Monmouth, in the beginning of the reign of king James II.. thought |