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auxiliaries, and had only the gospel to search (as Origen more than once observes) for evidence against the gospel. A strong proof that there never had been any books, of any credit in the world, that questioned the gospel facts, when so spiteful and so artful an adversary as Celsus, • made no use of them.'

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• Celsus admits the truth of Christ's miracles: the difference between him and Origen lies in 'the manner of accounting for them; the one ascribing them to the power of God, the other to the power of magic. So that, if the considerer will stand to the evidence of his own witness, the question will not be, Whether the miracles are true in (fact, for that is granted on both 'sides) but whether the truth of the miracles infers the divine authority of the performer. Now 'can it be supposed, that Celsus would have admitted the miracles of Christ as real facts, had he 'not been compelled to it by the universal consent of all men in the age he lived?'

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The truth is, that the objections of Celsus are preserved, and preserved in his own language. 'Origen's answer is not a general reply to Celsus, but a minute examination of all his objections, even of those which appeared to Origen most frivolous. For his friend Ambrosius, to whom 'he dedicates the work, desired him to omit nothing. In order to this examination, Origen 'states the objections of Celsus in his own words: and, that nothing might escape him he takes them in the order in which Celsus had placed them. Celsus, then, as it happens is safe; and the considerer needs not to lament over him any more.'

The fragments of the work of Celsus are, undoubtedly, of great importance. I have endeavoured to do justice to them, not only by my own large extracts, but likewise by these observations and summaries of three learned men: hoping, that thereby my defects may be supplied; and that some things may be better expressed by them than they have been by me.

CHAP. XIX.

LUCIAN, OF SAMOSATA.

I. His time, and works. II. A passage from him concerning Peregrinus, in which is a copious testimony to the Christians of that time, with remarks. III. His account of Alexander, who set up an oracle in Paphlagonia, with remarks. IV. Passages from his True History. V. Extracts from the Dialogue, called Philopatris, ascribed to him, with remarks.

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1. LUCIAN * was a native of Samosata in Syria. According to Suidas he flourished in the time of Trajan, and afterwards: but that is placing him too early. It is more probable, that he was born under Adrian: and he may be more properly said to have flourished in the reigns of Antoninus the pious, and M. Antoninus the philosopher; which last he survived, as appears from his Pseudomantis, where he speaks of that emperor as already deified.

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Some have supposed, that in the latter part of his life Lucian was governor of Egypt: on the other hand, divers learned men have shewn, that he was only register of Alexandria. How ever, he speaks of that post, as both honourable and profitable, and a step to higher preferment, no less than the government of a province. Some have spoken of Lucian, as an apostate from Christianity: but there is no sufficient reason to believe that ever he was a Christian.

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a Vid. Fabric. Bib. Gr. 1. iv. c. 16. T. iii. p. 485, &c. et Lux. Evangel. p. 152. Tillem. L'Emp. M. Aurele, art. 20. b V. Axis.

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Voss. de Hist. Gr. 1. ii. cap. 15, et Tillem. ubi supra.

I have taken some pains to adjust the age of Lucian. And from some notes of time, which are preserved in his works, I have fixed the 40th year of his age to the 164th year of Christ, the fourth of M. Antoninus: and consequently his birth to the 124th year of Christ, and the eighth of Adrian. Moyle's Works, Vol. ii. p. 363. Diss. upon the age of the Philopatris.

τότε θεος Μαρκος ηδη τοις Μαρκομάνοις και Kραδας CUVETλEXE]). Pseud. p. 775. Vol. i.

See Moyle, as before, Vol. i. p. 298. et Valesii Annot. in Euseb. H. E. 1. vii. cap. 11. p. 147. et Annot. in Marcellin. 1. xxviii. cap. i. And Tillem. as before quoted, calls him Greffier du Prefet. d'Egypte.

Apol. pro mercede conduct. T. i. p. 491, 492.

h. Luciani Samosatensis clarum inter sophistas nomen est, quem fidei Christianæ fuisse desertorem, misereque periisse, quippe discerptum a canibus, e Suidâ nonnulli tradiderunt, sed sine suffragio eruditorum. Tob. Eckhard. Non, Chris-tian. Testimon, cap. vi. sect. 9. p. 158.

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Lucian is placed by Cave at the year 176: and I shall place him there likewise; which is some while after writing his Peregrinus, and several years before publishing his Pseudomantis, another work to be quoted hereafter.

II. The work to be first quoted by me is a Letter to Cronius, concerning the death of Peregrinus, called also Proteus: who publicly burnt himself in the sight of all Greece, soon after the Olympic games were over in the year of our Lord' 165, or as others say in the year 169: not long after which this history of him was written by Lucian.

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Peregrinus, according to Lucian's character of him, was a person who rambled from place to place, and from one sect of philosophy to another. Having been guilty of parricide, and other crimes, as our author says, he was obliged for a while to leave his native country, and travel abroad. At which time,' as Lucian says, he learned the wonderful doctrine of the Christians, by conversing with their priests and scribes near Palestine: and in a short time he shewed, they were but children to him; for he was prophet, high-priest, ruler of a synagogue, ⚫ uniting all offices in himself alone. Some books he interpreted and explained, others he wrote: ⚫ and they spoke of him as a god, and took him for a lawgiver, and honoured him with the title of master. They therefore still worship that great man who was crucified in Palestine, because ⚫he introduced into the world this new religion. For this reason Proteus was taken up, and 'put into prison: which very thing was of no small service to him afterwards, for giving reputation to his impostures, and gratifying his vanity. The Christians were much grieved for his ' imprisonment, and tried all ways to procure his liberty. Not being able to effect that, they ⚫ did him all sorts of kind offices, and that not in a careless manner, but with the greatest assiduity for even betimes in the morning there would be at the prison old women, some widows, ⚫ and also little orphan children: and some of the chief of their men, by corrupting the keepers, • would get into prison, and stay the whole night there with him: and there they had a good supper together, and their sacred discourses. And this excellent Peregrinus (for so he was ⚫ still called) was thought by them to be an extraordinary person, no less than another Socrates: even from the cities of Asia some Christians came to him by an order of the body, to relieve, encourage and comfort him. For it is incredible what expedition they use when any of their ⚫ friends are known to be in trouble. In a word, they spare nothing upon such an occasion; ' and Peregrinus's chain brought him in a good sum of money from them: for these miserable men have no doubt but they shall be immortal, and live for ever: therefore they contemn death, and many surrender themselves to sufferings. Moreover their first lawgiver has taught them that they are all brethren, when once they have turned, and renounced the gods of the 'Greeks, and worship that master of theirs who was crucified, and engage to live according to his laws. They have also a sovereign contempt for all the things of this world, and look upon them as common, and trust one another with them without any particular security: for which reason any subtil fellow, by good management, may impose upon this simple people, and grow rich among them. But Peregrinus was set at liberty by the governor of Syria, who was a favourer of philosophy: who perceiving his madness, and that he had a mind to die, in order ' to get a name, let him out, not judging him so much as worthy of punishment.' • Then,' as our author says, Peregrinus returned to his native place Parium, in hopes of recovering his father's estate: but meeting with difficulties, he made over to the Parians all the estate he might expect from his father; who then extolled him as the greatest of philosophers, a lover of his country, and another Diogenes, or Crates. He then went abroad again, well supplied

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Hist. Lit. T. i. P. 96.

b Vid. Pagi ann. 165. n. 3. Basnag. ann. 165. iv. Cleric. ann. 165. vi.

c Fabric. Bib. Gr. T. iii. p. 500.

d Οίεπερ και την θαυμασην σωφιὰν των Χρισιανων εξεμαθε, περι την Παλαισινήν τοῖς ἱερευσι και γραμματευσιν αυίων συνο γενομενος. Και τι γαρ; εν βραχει παίδας αυτες απέφηνε, προφητης, και θιασάρχης, και ξυναίωδους, και πανία μόνος αυλος ων. Και των βίβλων τας μεν εξηγείτο, και διεσάφει πολλας δε αυλος και ξυνεγραφε και ὡς Θεον αυτον εκεινοι εδιηΓενlo, και νομοθείη εχρώντο, και προς αίην επείραφον. Τον μείαν γεν εκείνον ετι σεβεσιν ανθρωπον, τον εν τη Παλαιστινη ανασκολο πισθεντα, ὅτι καινην ταύτην τελείην. εισηΓαίεν ες τον βίον. De Morte Peregrin. T. i. p. 565, &c. edit. Græv. Amst. 1687.

• I have rendered that paragraph as it stands in Lucian; but those titles seem not to belong to Peregrinus; and it may be suspected, that somewhat is wanting hereabout. Tanaquil Faber, in his notes upon this place, conjectures that there were here some expressions injurious to our Saviour, which a Christian copyist, more pious than wise, left out. However, of that we cannot be certain. Perhaps, the place is genuine, and pure, as written by Lucian: but then, here are inaccuracies, owing to ignorance and mistake, or to design and malice. The Christians did not speak of Peregrinus in those high terms: but Lucian, as it seems, magnifies the respect which the Christians showed to Peregrinus, the more to expose them to ridicule. See Fabric. Lux Evangelii. p. 152. Επειτα δε ο νομοθέτης ὁ πρωτος· κ. λ. ρ. 567.

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by the Christians with all travelling charges, by whom also he was accompanied: and he lived in great plenty. Thus it went with him for some while. At length they parted, having given them also some offence, by eating, as I suppose, some things not allowed of by them.' I now make remarks upon this passage.

1. Peregrinus is mentioned by many authors: but I do not recollect any remaining writer, either heathen or Christian, beside Lucian, who has said any thing of his Christianity.

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His death is mentioned by Tertullian, and by Athenagoras, who likewise says he had a statue erected to him at Parium, his native place, situated in Mysia, not far from Lampsacus, which was supposed to give out oracles.

Several heathen authors mention him, and speak honourably of him. Aulus Gellius saw him at Athens, and was acquainted with him: he calls him a famous philosopher, commends him, and ascribes to him some good maxims; but he says nothing of his death. Probably Peregrinus, called also Proteus, was still living when he wrote.

Ammianus Marcellinus mentions his death, and calls him an illustrious philosopher. Philostratus, who also mentions his death, calls him a cynic: and that he maintained that character, appears also from Lucian, who, in the account of his death, often rallies him as a celebrated cynic. And when Lucian ridiculed his vanity, he was like to be torn to pieces by the cynics, who also were spectators of that transaction.

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Peregrinus was an old man when he threw himself into the flames in the year 165, or 169. I apprehend, that the time of his Christianity was the early part of his life; and that his imprisonment upon that account, must have been in the time of Trajan, or Adrian at the latest. He was best known by the name of Proteus: but, as Lucian says, whilst he was with the Christians he was called Peregrinus. And it is manifest, from all the remaining writers who mention him, that he sustained the character of a philosopher and a cynic. It is probable therefore, that in the greatest, and the latest part of his life, he was a mere heathen philosopher: and it is reasonable, that a man's denomination should be taken from that part of his life which was best known. Lucian himself allows, that after having been some while among the Christians, he and they parted.

2. Having observed all these things relating to the history of Peregrinus, I proceed to some other remarks.

Here is an authentic testimony to some of the main facts and principles of Christianity from a man of free sentiments, not long after the middle of the second century, who knew the world, and was well acquainted with mankind. That the founder of the Christian religion was crucified in Palestine: That he was the great master of the Christians, and the first author of the principles received by them: That those men, called Christians, had peculiarly strong hopes of immortal life, and a great contempt for this world and its enjoyments: That they courageously endured many afflictions upon account of their principles, and sometimes surrendered themselves to sufferings. Honesty and probity prevailed so much among them, that they trusted each other without security. Their master had earnestly recommended to all his followers mutual love; by which also they were much distinguished. And their assiduity in relieving and comforting one another, when under affliction, was known to all men: nor is it, I presume, any disparagement to them that they were imposed upon by Peregrinus, who was admired by many others; and, perhaps, was not so bad a man as Lucian insinuates.

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2 πωφθη γαρ τι, ώς οιμαι, εσθίων των απορῥήλων αυτοις. p. 570.

b Minus fecerunt philosophi, Heraclitus, qui se bubulo stercore oblitum exussit, item Empedocles, qui in ignes Ætnæi montis dissiluit; et Peregrinus, qui non olim se rogo immisit. Tertull. ad Mart. cap. 4. p. 157.

• Και ὁ το Πρωτέως (τελον δ' εκ αἱνοειτε ρίψαντα ἑαυλον εις το πυρ περί την Ολυμπίαν) ό μεν και έλος λείεται χρηματίζειν. Athenag. p. 30. Par. sect. 26. p. 304. Bened.

a Philosophum nomine Peregrinum, cui postea cognomentum Proteus factum est, virum gravem, atque constantem vidimus, quum Athenis essemus, diversantem in quodam tugurio extra urbem. Quumque ad eum frequenter ventitaremus, multa hercle dicere eum utiliter, et honeste audivimus, &c. Noct. Att. 1. xii. cap. 11. Vid. et l. viii. cap. 3.

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Peregrinum illum imitatus, Protea cognomine, philoso

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Another thing may be observed, that from his manner of speaking it may be well argued, that Lucian did not know the reason why Peregrinus and the Christians parted.

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I think it ought also to be observed, that Lucian, carrying on his drollery, misrepresents and aggravates several things. It was before hinted, that the Christians did not consider Peregrinus as another Socrates:' but that is a way of thinking ascribed to them without reason: many of them might think charitably and honourably of Socrates: but every Christian was superior to him. So likewise when Lucian says, that Peregrinus was a prophet, high-priest, and ruler of a synagogue, uniting all offices in himself,' he speaks inaccurately; thus joining together Judaism and Christianity. And as Lucian indulged himself in a loose and improper manner of speaking, I cannot but think it to be a groundless deduction which some have made from these expressions, that Peregrinus had been constituted a bishop among the Christians.

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I proceed.

III. Lucian's Alexander, or Pseudomantis, as before hinted, was not written before the year 180, in the reign of Commodus; forasmuch as here he gives Marcus Antoninus the title of god, or deified. It is a It is a letter to Celsus, the Epicurean philosopher, containing the history of an impostor, named Alexander, who in the time of the forementioned Antoninus gave out oracles in Paphlagonia, and had vast success in his design: his oracle having been in great repute for some while in that, and neighbouring countries, and even at Rome itself.

But,' says Lucian, when some, who had more wit than others, awaking as out of a drunken fit, that had robbed them of all their senses, made head against him, chiefly men of the Epicurean sect, and the secret arts of his contrivance began to be discerned in several places; he ⚫ struck a kind of terror among them, saying, "that Pontus was full of atheists and Christians, who had the assurance to raise slanderous stories against him." And he excited the people not to spare them, but to drive them away with stones, if they would not lose the favour of the god' [Esculapius.] He also appointed rites of initiation, like those at Athens, and a holy feast of three days continuance; and on the first day of the solemnity proclamation was made as at Athens: "If any atheist, or Christian, or Epicurean, be come hither as a spy upon these mysteries, let him depart with all speed. And a happy initiation to those who believe in "God." Then they thrust the people away, he going before, and saying: "Away with the • Christians." Then the multitude cried out again: "away with the Epicureans."

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It is honourable to the Christians to be here mentioned with Epicureans by a favourer of the Epicurean sentiments. It evidently appears hence, that the followers of Jesus were now well known in the world by the name of Christians; and that they were then numerous in Pontus and Paphlagonia and the neighbouring countries: and finally, that they were formidable to cheats and impostors.

IV. I shall now cite a passage taken from the second book of what our author calls True History, but is indeed all fiction, as is acknowledged by himself at the beginning of the

first book.

He and his companions having travelled a great way,' came to the Island of the blessed, where Rhadamanthus of Crete reigned. Soon after they came ashore, they were taken into custody, and were bound with roses, there being no other chains in that country: which too • fell off of themselves, when they were set at liberty. There were then several causes to be "tried before the king of the country: theirs was the fourth in order. When their cause came on, they were asked, how they came to be there, when they were yet living? When they had related their voyage, they were ordered to withdraw. The judge, having consulted with his accessors and counsellors, determined, that after death, they should be punished for their * curiosity and presumption: for the present they might converse with the heroes of the country, but the term of their sojourning there might not exceed seven months. Then they were conducted into the city, which is all gold, surrounded by a wall of emerald, Rev. xx. There are seven gates made of the wood of cinnamon; the pavement of the city, and the ground a See before note e, p. 150. Χρισιανες. Το δε πλήθος άπαν επεφθείγελο Εξω Επικέρειες. x. λ. Ibid. p. 770.

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↳ Lucian. Vol. i. p. 746. &c.

Παρ' ὧν δη καθ' ὁδον ακηκόαμεν, ὡς ἡ μεν νησος εἴη των μακαρων προσαδορευομενων αρχοι δε ὁ Κρης. Ραδαμάνθυς. Ver. Hist. I. ii. T. i. p. 670.

f Ο εκφέρει φοβήρον τι επ' αυλές, λείων, αθεων εμπέπλησε θαι και Χρισιανών τον Πονίον· οἱ περι αυτ8 τολμωσι τα κακιςα βλασφημείν. κ. λ. Ibid. p. 762, 763.

a Ib. p. 770.

• Και εν μεν τη πρώτη, προρρησις ην, ώσπερ Αθήνησι, τοιαύτη. Ει τις αθέος, η Χρισιανός, η Επικάρειος, ήκει καλασκοπός των ορίων, φευδείων Και ο μεν ἡδειο λείων. Εξω

g -ειλυ χανομεν τοις φρέροις, και περίπολοις. Οἱ δε δη σανίες ήμας ροδίνοις σεφανοις-ανηδον ώς τον αρχονία. Ibid. ρ. 671.

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'within the wall, is ivory: the temples of all the gods are built of the beryl-stone; the altars in 'them are very large, consisting of one stone only, which is the amethyst, upon which they offer hecatombs. Round the city flows a river of the finest oil, the breadth of which is an hundred royal cubits, the depth such as is most convenient for swimming in. Their baths are large 'houses of glass, kept warm with fires made of cinnamon; instead of water they have warm 'dew in basons: their dress is purple, made of the finest spiders webs. None grow old here but they remain as they were when they arrived. They have no night, nor altogether bright day; but such light as precedes the rising of the sun: nor have they more than one season of the year; for it is always spring, and the west is the only wind. The country abounds with all sorts of flowers and plants, which are always flourishing: their vines bear twelve times in the year, yielding fruit every month, Rev. xxii. 2. Apples and pomegranates, as they say, bear *thirteen times in the year, yielding fruit twice in the month, called by them Minous.' Instead of corn the stalks have ready-prepared loaves at their tops like mushrooms. There are in the city three hundred and sixty-five fountains of water, and as many of honey, and five hundred * fountains of oil, but less; seven rivers of milk, and eight of wine.'

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More follows containing a description of the groves and fields round about the city: but I am not disposed to transcribe any more. They who please may consider, whether here are any allusions to the xxi. and xxii. chapters of the book of the Revelation. Lucian's description of this island, and the chief city of it, falls so far short of St. John's description of his New Jerusalem, that some may think he could not have so fine a model before him. However, let all judge as they see fit.

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V. With Lucian's works is joined a dialogue, called Philopatris. Bishop Bull, and some others, have been inclined to think it Lucian's, or however, written about his time, in the reign of Marcus Antoninus: many others are persuaded, that it is not his, nor written in that reign. But there is a great diversity of opinion among these concerning the true age of it.

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Mr. Moyle thinks it was written in the time of Dioclesian, in the year of Christ 302, and 23 years before the council of Nice. Dodwell varied in his opinion, and in the end placed it in the year of Christ 261, and the eighth of Gallienus. Others have argued for the third of Aurelian, the year of Christ 272. And Gesner' is of opinion, that it was written in the time of the emperor Julian, after the middle of the fourth century. None of these learned men think the Philopatris to be a work of Lucian.

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I am not able to determine the time when it was written; nor do I think it needful to be much concerned about it. I do not think it to be Lucian's; the style is very different from his, and vastly inferior to it. Some other reasons may offer by and by in our observations upon it: but, as the writer was a heathen, and it is joined with the other works of Lucian, I speak of it in this place.

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Says Mr. Moyle: It is a Dialogue between Critias and Triephon: the first a professed heathen, the other an Epicurean, personating a Christian. The design of it is, partly to represent • Christians as a sect of men disaffected to government, and dangerous to civil society: partly to expose their opinions, as the Trinity, the creation of the world, with several other articles of ' our faith.'

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Triephon meets Critias, who by his countenance appears greatly indisposed: and being asked the reason, Critias tells him, he 'had been where he had heard a strange discourse; and " that the things which he had heard that day, from those execrable sophists, had most surprisingly affected him. Afterwards, he offers to swear by Jupiter, and Apollo, and other deities, which oaths Triephon rejects. By whom then shall I swear, says Critias. Triephon

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