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ticularly letters; which, in my opinion, were not before known to the Grecians. At first they used the characters which all the Phænicians make use of; but afterward, in process of time, together with the sound, they also changed the shape of the letters. At that time Ionian Greeks inhabited the greatest part of the country round about them; they having learned these letters from the Phænicians, changed them in a slight degree, and made use of them; and in making use of them, they designated them Phænician, as justice required they should be called, since the Phænicians had introduced them into Greece. Moreover, the Ionians, from ancient time, call books made of papyrus parchments, because formerly, from the scarcity of papyrus, they used the skins of goats and sheep; and even at the present day many of the barbarians write on such skins. And I myself have seen in the Temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes, in Baotia, Cadmian letters engraved on certain tripods, for the most part resembling the Ionian. One of the tripods has this inscription, “Amphitryon dedicated me on his return from the Teleboans.” These must be about the age of Laius, son of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, son of Cadmus. Another tripod has these words in hexameter verse,“ Scæus, a boxer, having been victorious, dedicated me, a very beautiful offering, to thee, far-darting Apollo.” Scæus must have been son of Hippocoon, if indeed it was he who made the offering, and not another person bearing the same name as the son of Hippocoon; and must have been about the time of Edipus, son of Laius. A third tripod has these words also in hexameters, “ Laodamas, being a monarch, dedicated this tripod, a very beautiful offering, to thee, farseeing Apollo.” During the reign of this Laodamas, son of Eteocles, the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives, and betook themselves to the Encheleæ. But the Gephyræans, who were then left, were afterward compelled by the Baotians to retire to Attica; and they built temples in Athens, in which the rest of the Athenians do not participate, but they are distinct from the other temples; more particularly the temple and mysteries of the Achæan Ceres.
Thus I have related the vision of Hipparchus's dream, and whence were sprung the Gephyræans, of whom were the murderers of Hipparchus; and it is now proper to resume the account I originally set out to relate, and show how the Athenians were delivered from tyrants. While Hippias was tyrant, and embittered against the Athenians on account of the death of Hipparchus, the Alcmæonidæ, who were Athenians by extraction, and were then banished by the Pisistratidæ, when they with other Athenian exiles did not succeed in their attempt to effect their return by force, but were signally defeated in their endeavours to reinstate themselves and liberate Athens, having fortified Lipsydrium, which is above Pæonia—thereupon the Alcmæonidæ, practising every scheme against the Pisistratidæ, contracted with the Amphictyons to build the temple which is now at Delphi, but then did not exist; and as they were wealthy, and originally men of distinction, they constructed the temple in a more beautiful manner than the plan required, both in other respects, and also, though it was agreed they should make it of porine stone, they built its front of Parian marble. Accordingly, as the Athenians state, these men, while staying at Delphi, prevailed on the Pythian by money, when any Spartans should come thither to consult the oracle, either on their own account or that of the public, to propose to them to liberate Athens from servitude. The Lacedæmonians, when the same warning was always given them, sent Anchimolius, son of Aster, a citizen of distinction, with an army to expel the Pisistratidæ from Athens, though they were particularly united to them by the ties of friendship, for they considered their duty to the god more obligatory than their duty to men. These forces they sent by sea in ships, and he having touched at Phalerum, disembarked his army: but the Pisistratidæ, having had notice of this beforehand, called in assistance from Thessaly, for they had entered into an alliance with them. In accordance with their request, the Thessalians with one consent despatched a thousand horse to their assistance, and their king Cineas, a native of Conium. When the Pisistratidæ had these auxiliaries, they had recourse to the following plan: Having cleared the plains of the Phalereans, and made the country practicable for cavalry, they sent the cavalry against the enemy's camp; and it having fallen on, killed many of the Lacedæmonians, and among them Anchimolius, and the survivors they drove to their ships. The first expedition from Lacedæmon thus got off; and the tomb of Anchimolius is at Alopecæ of Attica, near the Temple of Hercules in Cynosarges. Afterward the Lacedæmonians, having fitted out a larger armament, sent it from Sparta, having appointed King Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, commander in chief; they did not, however, send it again by sea, but by land. On their entrance into the Athenian territory the Thessalian cavalry first engaged with them, and was soon defeated, and more than forty of their number fell: the survivors immediately departed straight for Thessaly. Cleomenes having reached the city, accompanied by those Athenians who wished to be free, besieged the tyrants who were shut up in the Pelasgian fort. However, the Lacedæmonians would not by any means have been able to expel the Pisistratidæ; for they had no intention of forming a blockade, and the Pisistratidæ were well provided with meat and drink; and after they had besieged them for a few days, they would have returned to Sparta; but now an accident happened, unfortunate for one party, and at the same time advantageous to the other; for the children of the Pisistratida were taken as they were being secretly removed from the country; when this occurred all their plans were thrown into confusion; and, to redeem their children, they submitted to such terms as the Athenians prescribed, so as to quit Attica within five days. They afterward retired to Sigeum, on the Scamander, having governed the Athenians for thirty-six years. They were by extraction Pylians, and Neleidæ, being sprung from the same ancestors as Codrus and Melanthus, who, though formerly foreigners, became kings of Athens. For this reason Hippocrates gave the same name to his son, in token of remembrance, calling him Pisistratus after Nestor's son Pisistratus. Thus the Athenians were delivered from tyrants; and what things worthy of recital they either did or suffered before Ionia revolted from Darius, and Aristagoras the Milesian came to Athens to desire their assistance, I shall now relate.
Athens, although it was before powerful, being now delivered from tyrants, became still more so. Two men in it had great influence, Clisthenes, one of the Alcmæonidæ, who is reported to have prevailed with the Pythian, and Isagoras, son of Tysander, who was of an illustrious family, though I am not able to mention his extraction; his kinsmen, however, sacrifice to Carian Jupiter. These men disputed for power; and Clisthenes, being worsted, gained over the people to his side, and afterward he divided the Athenians, who consisted of four tribes, into ten; changing the names, derived from the sons of Ion, Geleon, Ægicores, Argades, and Hoples, and inventing names from other heroes who were all natives, except Ajax; him, though a stranger, he added as a near neighbour and ally. Herein, I think, this Clisthenes imitated his maternal grandfather, Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon. For Clisthenes, when he made war on the Argives, in the first place put a stop to the rhapsodists in Sicyon contending for prizes in reciting the verses of Homer, because the Argives and Argos are celebrated in almost every part; and in the next place, as there was, and still is, a shrine dedicated to Adrastus, son of Talaus, in the very forum of the Sicyonians, he was desirous of expelling him from the country, because he was an Argive. Going, therefore, to Delphi, he consulted the oracle whether he should expel Adrastus; and the Pythian answered him, saying, “ That Adrastus indeed was king of the Sicyonians, but Clisthenes deserved to be stoned.” Finding the god would not permit this, Clisthenes returned home and considered of a contrivance by which Adrastus might depart of himself. When he thought he had found out a way, he sent to Thebes of Bæotia, and said that he wished to introduce Melanippus, son of Astacus; and the Thebans assented. Clisthenes, therefore, having introduced Melanippus, appointed him a precinct in the very prytaneum, and placed it there in the strongest position. But Clisthenes introduced Melanippus, for it is necessary to mention this motive, because he was the greatest enemy of Adrastus, having killed his brother Mecistes and his son-in-law Tydeus. When he had appointed him this precinct, he took away the sacrifices and festivals of Adrastus, and gave them to Melanippus. But the Sicyonians had been accustomed to honour Adrastus very highly; for the country itself belonged to Polybus, and Polybus dying without a son, gave the sovereignty to Adrastus, the son of his daughter. The Sicyonians paid other honours to Adrastus, and, moreover, celebrated his misfortune by tragic choruses; not honouring Bacchus, but Adrastus, to that time. But Clisthenes transferred these dances to the worship of Bacchus, and the rest of the ceremonies to Melanippus. This he did with reference to Adrastus. He also changed the names of the Dorian tribes, in order that the Sicyonians and Argives might not have the same. And in this he very much ridiculed the Sicyonians. For, changing their names into names derived from a swine and an ass, he added only the terminations, except in the case of his own tribe; to this he gave a name significant of his own sovereignty, for they were called Archelai; but others Hyatæ, some Oneatæ, and others Chæreatæ. The Sicyonians adopted these names for their tribes, both during the reign of Clisthenes, and after his death, during sixty years; after that, however, by common consent they changed them into Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanatæ; and they added a fourth, after Ægialeus, son of Adrastus, giving them the name of Ægialeans.
Now the Sicyonian Clisthenes had done these things: and the Athenian Clisthenes, who was son to the daughter of this Sicyonian, and had his name from him, from contempt for the Ionians, as it appears to me, that the Athenians might not have the same tribes as the Ionians, imitated his namesake Clisthenes. For when he had brought over to his own side the whole of the Athenian people, who before had been alienated from him, he changed the names of the tribes, and augmented their number; and established ten phylarchs instead of four, and distributed the people into ten tribes; and having gained over the people, he became much more powerful than his opponents. Isagoras, being overcome in his turn, had recourse to the following counterplot: He called in Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian, who had been on terms of friendship with him from the time of the siege of the Pisistratidæ; and, besides, Cleomenes was suspected of having had intercourse with the wife of Isagoras. First of all, therefore, Cleomenes, sending a herald to Athens, required the expulsion of Clisthenes, and with him of many other Athenians, as being “under a curse.” He sent this message under the instruction of Isagoras : for the Alcmæonidæ, and those of their party, were accused of the following murder; but neither he himself had any share in it, nor had his friends. Those of the Athenians who were “accursed ” obtained the name on the following occasion : Cylon, an Athenian, had been victorious in the Olympic games; he, through pride, aspired to the tyranny; and having associated with himself a band of young men about his own age, attempted to seize the Acropolis, and, not being able to make himself master of it, he seated himself as a suppliant at the statue of the goddess. The prytanes of the Naucrari, who then had the administration of affairs in Athens, removed them, under promise that they should not be punished with death. But the Alcmæonidæ are accused of having put them to death. These things were done before the time of Pisistratus.
When Cleomenes sent a herald to require the expulsion of Clisthenes and the accursed, Clisthenes himself withdrew. But, nevertheless, Cleomenes came afterward to Athens with a small force, and, on his arrival, banished seven hundred Athenian families whom Isagoras pointed out to him, Having done this, he next attempted to dissolve the senate, and placed the magistracy in the hands of three hundred partisans of Isagoras. But when the senate resisted and refused to obey, Cleomenes and Isagoras, with his partisans, seized the Acropolis; and the rest of the Athenians, who sided with the senate, besieged them two days: on the third day, as many of them as were Lacedæmonians left the country under a truce. And thus an omen, addressed to Cleomenes, was accomplished; for when he went up to the Acropolis, purposing to take possession of it, he approached the sanctuary of the goddess to