Colonisation of the Free People of Colour.

here than in any other part I had visited. The Pope has remonstrated against it to the Emperor; but instead of hearkening to his remonstrances, he has caused it to be legally established. I thought I could not do better than give this Minister the German Tracts; he read them with pleasure, and promised to distribute them. I asked him if he thought there would be any objection to an English Missionary preaching at Venice; he replied that he thought the sanction of government might be easily obtained; and that in that case, the church was very much at his service.

"Thus, my dear friend, I have detailed to you my proceedings as far as Venice. I have not yet done any thing at Trieste, but you will hear further from me shortly."

COLONIZATION OF THE PEOPLE OF COLOUR.

IN No. 22, of the last volume, we inserted the Memorial to Congress, from the President and Board of Managers of the American Society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States. We presume that many of our readers will be gratified to learn what was done in the legislative councils of the nation respecting that subject, which we deem to be intimately connected with the cause of humanity and religion, as well as with the best political and social welfare of the Union. For the satisfaction of those who are unacquainted with the facts, we insert the following account of the proceedings of the House of Representatives on the document above mentioned. It is believed, that owing to the approaching period of the present session, there was not sufficient time, under the pressure of other important business, to bring the subject to maturity, so as to enable the executive of the nation officially to act upon it. As the question was probably novel to many of our legislators, as well as to a great proportion of our fellow-citizens, of every description, there may be great advantage in deferring a national transaction respecting it, until the public mind shall be more enlightened upon the subject, and better prepared, by a full and satisfactory discussion of the merits of the case, cordially to second the benevolent plans which our government may in their wisdom adopt, to carry this important design into effect in the best manner practicable.

In the mean while, it is doubtless desirable that Auxiliary Societies should be formed in various central parts of the United States, for the purpose of collecting and interchanging such information as may be deemed to have a material bearing upon the subject, and to aid in promoting the end in view by all the means in their power.

We are rather disappointed in not having seen any of our political writers take up and treat this great national question in that extensive and able manner in which many topics of less importance to the prosperity of the country are daily handled by them.

The following account of the proceedings of the House of Representatives we have extracted from a pamphlet recently published at Washington, giving an account of the exertions lately made in behalf of this subject.

8 Report of a Committee of the House of Representatives,

The memorial, after being read and ordered to be printed, was referred to the Committee on the Slave Trade, Messrs. Pickering, Comstock, Condict, Tucker, Taggart, Cilly, and Hooker: their report and resolution follow :

Report on colonizing the free people of colour of the United States, February 11, 1817. Read, and committed to a committee of the whole house on Monday next.

The committee to whom was referred the memorial of the president and board of managers of the "American Society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States," have had the same under their deliberate consideration. The subject is of such magnitude, and attended with so many difficulties, it is with much diffidence they present their views of it to the House.

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Were it simply a question of founding a colony, numerous and well known precedents show with what facility the work might be accomplished. Every new territory established by our government, constitutes, indeed, a colony, formed with great ease; because it is only an extension of homogeneous settlements. But in contemplating the colonization of the free people of colour, it seemed obviously necessary to take a different course. Their distinct character and relative condition, render an entire separation from our own states and territories indispensable. And this separation must be such as to admit of an indefinite continuance. Hence, it seems manifest that these people cannot be colonized within the limits of the United States. If they were not far distant, the rapidly extending settlements of our white inhabitants would soon reach them; and the evil now felt would be renewed; probably with aggravated mischief. Were the colony to be remote, it must be planted on lands now owned and occupied by the native tribes of the country. And could a territory be purchased, the transporting of the colonists thither, would be vastly expensive, their subsistence for a time difficult, and a body of troops would be required for their protection. And after all, should these difficulties be overcome, the original evil would at length recur, by the extension of our white population. In the mean time, should the colony so increase as to become a nation, it is not difficult to foresee the quarrels and destructive wars which would ensue; especially if the slavery of people of colour should continue, and accompany the whites in their migrations.

Turning our eyes from our own country, no other, adapted to the colony in contemplation, presented itself to our view, nearer than Africa, the native land of negroes; and probably that is the only country on the globe to which it would be practicable to transfer our free people of colour with safety, and advantage to themselves and the civilized world. It is the country which, in the order of Providence, seems to have been appropriated to that distinct family of mankind. And while it presents the fittest asylum for the free people of colour, it opens a wide field for the improvements in civilization, morals, and religion, which the humane

on colonizing the free people of colour.

and enlightened memorialists have conceived it possible, in the process of time, to spread over that great continent.

Should the measure suggested be approved, an important question occurs-In what way shall its execution be essayed?

A preliminary step would be, to provide for the perfect neutrality of the colony, by the explicit consent and engagement of all the civilized powers, whatever dissentions may at any time arise among themselves.

The next important question is:-Will it be expedient to attempt the establishment of a new colony in Africa, or to make to Great Britain a proposal to receive the emigrants from the United States into her colony of Sierra Leone?

At Sierra Leone, the first difficulties have been surmounted; and a few free people of colour from the United States have been admitted. A gradual addition from the same source, (and such would be the natural progress,) would occasion no embarrassment, either in regard to their sustenance or government. Would the British government consent to receive such an accession of emigrants however eventually considerable, from the United States? Would that government agree, that at the period when that colony shall be capable of self-government and self-protection, it shall be declared independent? In the mean time, will it desire to monopolize the commerce of the colony? This would be injurious to the colonists, as well as to the United States. Should that country, from the nature of its soil and other circumstances, hold out sufficient allurements, and draw to it, from the United States, the great body of the free' people of colour, these would form its strength, and its ability to render its commerce an object of consideration. Now as the great and permanent benefit of the colonists was the fundamental principle of the establishment, will the British government decline a proposition calculated to give to that benefit the important extension which will arise from a freedom of commerce?-to those, at least, at whose expense, and by whose means, the colony shall be essentially extended? Should an agreement with Great Britain be effected, no further negociation, nor any extraordinary expenditure of money, will be required. The work already commenced will be continued-simply that of carrying to Sierra Leone, all who are willing to embark.

It would seem highly desirable to confine the migrations to a single colony. The two distinct and independent colonies, established and protected by two independent powers, would naturally imbibe the spirit and distinctions of their patrons and protectors, and put in jeopardy the peace and prosperity of both. Even the simple fact of separate independence, would eventually tend to produce collisions and wars between the two establishments, (unless, indeed, they were far removed from each other,) and perhaps defeat the further humane and exalted views of those who projected them. The spirit which animated the founders of the colony of Sierra Leone, would be exerted to effect a union of design, and the cordial co-operation of the British government with

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10 Joint Resolution for Abolishing the Traffic in Slaves.

It would

our own; and, it might be hoped, not without success. be in accordance with the spirit of a stipulation in the last treaty of peace; by which the two governments stand pledged to each other, to use their best endeavours to effect the entire abolition of the traffic in slaves, while the proposed institution would tend to diminish the quantity of slavery actually existing.

If, however, such enlarged and liberal views should be wanting, then the design of forming a separate colony might be announced, by the American ministers, to the maritime powers; and their guarantee of the neutrality of the colony obtained.

Your committee do not think it proper to pursue the subject any further at this time; but that the government should wait the result of the suggested negociations; on which ulterior measures must depend.

In conclusion, your committee beg leave to report a joint resolution, embracing the views herein before exhibited.

Joint resolution for abolishing the traffic in Slaves, and the Colonization of the Free People of Colour of the United States. February 11th, 1817. Read, and committed to a committee of the whole house on Monday next.

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S. of America, in Congress assembled, That the President be, and he is hereby authorised to consult and negociate with all the governments where ministers of the United States are, or shall be accredited, on the means of effecting an entire and immediate abolition of the traffic in slaves. And, also, to enter into a convention with the government of Great Britain, for receiving into the colony of Sierra Leone, such of the free people of colour of the United States as, with their own consent, shall be carried thither; stipulating such terms as shall be most beneficial to the colonists, while it promotes the peaceful interests of Great Britain and the United States. And should this proposition not be accepted, then to obtain from Great Britain, and the other maritime powers, a stipulation, or a formal declaration to the same effect, guaranteeing a permanent neutrality for any colony of free people of colour, which, at the expense, and under the auspices of the United States, shall be established on the African coast.

Resolved, That adequate provision shall hereafter be made to defray any necessary expenses which may be incurred in carrying the preceding resolution into effect.

The History of John Robins the Sailor.

As I was walking one summer evening through the streets of Portsmouth, to which place I had been called on business, I noticed a jolly English Sailor on the opposite side of the way, who kept up with me for some time, and was looking very earnestly at me. At length he hobbled over the pavement, as well as he could with his wooden leg and crutch, and looking me directly in the face, he pulled off his hat and made his obeisance. As he stood

History of John Robins the Sailor.

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leaning on the crutch, with his hat in his hand, his mind seemed to be overcome with contending emotions, and I saw some big involuntary tears roll down his hardy, weather-beaten face,-his feelings were too strong to allow him to speak, but he still continued to gaze intently upon me. As we stood opposite to each other, I thought that I could remember somewhat of his features, though they were much altered by the hardships of a sailor's life; he seemed to have been rudely treated in the war, he had lost one of his legs, and one of his eyes, and several scars were apparent on his rugged face.

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At length the sailor recovered his power of speech, and addressed me: "Has your Honour forgot Jack Robins, one of your old Sunday school boys, twenty years ago?" What, Robins, is it you," said I, holding out my right hand. He seized it with much eagerness, and grasping it between his hardy fingers, would scarcely let it go. Ah, Mr. T," said Robins, "I have thought of you and your kind instructions ten thousand times since I saw you last, though oceans have rolled between us, and it is many years since I saw your face, I shall never forget my dear, Sunday School Teacher, till this heart, (striking his bosom with the top of his crutch,) shall cease to beat.' "I am very glad indeed to see you, Robins," said I, "I am just now going to my lodgings to take tea, and you must come along with me, for old acquaintance sake, and we will then talk over some of our old matters together." "Your Honour is too good," replied he, "your are still the same kind loving gentleman to poor folks as ever; you have'nt changed your colours, and if I did'nt know you to be so humble and tender hearted, a poor jack tar would be ashamed to walk along the streets with such a gentleman as your Honour." "Never mind that, Robins, come along with me, for I am very anxious to hear something about you since I last saw you." No sooner said than done-Robins the sailor and I immediately marched off together, mutually delighted with an opportunity of seeing and conversing with each other.

When tea was finished, I inquired of John Robins how long it was since he went to sea. "It is now," replied he, "nineteen years last Lady-day since I first went to sea. Ah! well do I recollect the time now I see your face, for you called on me the evening before I left home, and would not be satisfied till you had prayed with me, and committed me to the gracious care of Almighty God. You prayed that I might be kept from the temptations of a sailor's life, and be led to think of the instructions I had received on religious subjects, when I should be far away from the means of grace; you alluded to my character as a thoughtless giddy youth, and prayed that at some future time I might be led to see the error of my ways, and to apply unto God for mercy, through the Lord Jesus Christ. You then gave me a pocket Bible, and insisted upon its being carefully packed up with my luggage; and blessed be God, I have still got that Bible, and I hope I shall keep it till my latest days." Saying this, he put his hand into his pock