For as for

there was on the following days over that country. the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the corpses were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air. Insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. This was the result of the sea fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand five hundred.

After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheæ, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants. For those foreigners appeared to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not? And when those commanders alleged, that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would be able to compel such as they fled to, to fight against the Romans; Vespasian acknowledged, that they did not deserve to be saved; and that if they had leave given them to retire, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself,* after what manner they should be slain. For if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies. For it was not probable they would bear that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, was repugnant to his own feelings. However, his friends were

*This is the most cruel and barbarous action that Vespasian ever did in this whole war: as he did it with great reluctance also. It was done both after public assurance given of sparing the prisoners' lives; and when all knew and confessed that these prisoners were no way guilty of any sedition against the Romans. Nor indeed did Titus now give his consent, so far as appears: nor ever act of himself so barbarously. Nay, soon after this, Titus grew quite weary of shedding blood, and of punishing the innocent with the guilty; and gave the people of Gischala leave to keep the Jewish Sabbath, IV. 2. in the midst of their siege. Nor was Vespasian disposed to do what he did, till his officers persuaded him; and that from two principal topics: viz. that nothing could be unjust that was done against Jews: and that when both cannot be consistent, advantage must prevail over justice.

too hard for him; and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety; and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty, to do as they advised; and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them; while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it; and shut them up in the city. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium; and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the isthmus; and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred: besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa. For as to those who belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them. However the king sold these also for slaves. But for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons, and fugitives: who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpicus, or Elul.*

* A. D. 67.

THE

JEWISH WAR.

BOOK IV.

Containing an Interval of about One Year.

FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA, TO THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM,

CHAP. I.

THE SIEGE AND TAKING OF GAMALA.

Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheæ, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses, and the cities; excepting Gischala, and those that had seized upon mount Tabor. Gamala also, which is a city over against Taricheæ, but on the other side of the lake, conspired with them. This city lay upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana, and Seleucia. And these were both parts of Gaulanitis. For Sogana was a part of that called the upper Gaulanitis; as was Gamala of the lower. While Seleucia was situate at the lake Semechonitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length. Its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne: which in other respects is a delicious place : and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf, where it is sent into

* Here we have the exact situation of one of Jeroboam's golden calves, at the exit of little Jordan, into great Jordan, near a place called Daphne, but of old Dan. See the note on Antiq. VIII. 8. 2. But Reland suspects, that even here we should read Dan, instead of Daphne. There being nowhere else any mention of a place called Daphne hereabouts,

great Jordan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans. Yet did not Gamala accede to them; but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata. For it was situate upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle. Where it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before, as behind. Insomuch that it is like a camel in figure: from whence it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it accurately. Both on the side and the face of these are abrupt parts, divided from the rest, and ending in deep vallies. Yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other. But then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself; so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed to the south and its southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature of a citadel to the city and above that was a precipice, not walled about, but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.

As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger; as also by ditches and mines under ground. The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place, than the people of Jotapata had been but it had much fewer fighting men in it. And they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them. For the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety, on account of its strength. On which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it, for seven months together.

But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his camp, before the city Tiberias: (now Emmaus, if it be in-1

terpreted, may be rendered a warm bath; for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing :) and came to Gamala. Yet was its situation such that he was not able to encompass it all round with soldiers to watch it. But where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon that mountain which was over it. And as the legions, according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp; while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and the vallies. Now at this time it was, that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavouring to speak to those that were on the walls, about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow, by one of the slingers. He was then immediately surrounded by his own men. But the Romans were excited to set about the siege, by their indignation on the king's account, and by their fear on their own account; as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies: who were so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage.

Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines. But Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men of the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quanty either of water, or of other necessaries. However, their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall. And for a while, indeed, they drove away those that were bringing the machines. But when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city. Then did the Romans bring battering rams to three several places, and made the wall shake and fall. They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of trumpets, and noise of armour, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city. But these