expressed his earnest desire that some general plan might be introduced for the manumission of all negroes throughout the different States; nor was he alone in this desire. Adams, Madison, Franklin, Jay-in fact, all the leading men of the new-born Republic-loudly and continually endorsed the opinion of Milton, that "no man who knows aught can be so stupid as to deny that all men naturally were born free, being the image and semblance of God himself, and were, by privilege, above all the creatures, born to command and not to obey."

Nowhere in the Constitution of the United States is Slavery recognized, or even referred to. The framers of that Constitution studiously avoided any reference to it; lest they might be considered to have in some manner endorsed it. So guarded were they, that when discussing the question of a tariff, they at first declined to raise any revenue from the importation of negroes, lest their so doing might be construed into the recognition of negroes as property. Mr. Madison, subsequently President of the Republic, stated his firm conviction that "it would be wrong to admit there could be property in man."

Nor was the idea of the total injustice of Slavery maintained by statesmen alone. The Supreme Courts of Mississippi and Kentucky, viewing it in a strictly

legal point of view, subsequently characterized it as follows. The former declared,-" Slavery is condemned by reason and the laws of nature. It exists, and can only exist, through municipal regulations."

The Kentucky jurists coincided with the above opinion, in these words:-"We view this as a right existing by positive law of a municipal character, without foundation in the law of nature, or the written and common law."

These good men and true patriots were, however, unable to carry their benevolent designs into effect, the self-interest of the planters presenting an insurmountable obstacle. The three Slave States of North and South Carolina and Georgia paralyzed their efforts, and even, for the moment, prevented their putting a stop to the Slave-trade. When the subject of immediate relinquishment was discussed, the representatives of those States openly declared that they would never consent to such a measure, and it was postponed some years in consequence. They were, however, mainly assisted by the dastard conduct of the Northern States, who gave up their advocacy of immediate abolition of the trade, in consideration of the South not opposing their Navigation Acts. Bitterly have the Free States paid for this their first iniquitous compromise.

But though the Federal Government failed in immediately abolishing the Slave-trade, it succeeded in preventing the carrying of Slaves into the Western territory, and, finally, in the year 1800, Congress passed an Act forbidding the further carrying on of the trade, the penalties being forfeiture of the vessel, and a fine of $1,000 for every negro imported.

The Slaveholders were, however, too powerful an interest to resign the struggle, and the attempt was made in 1803 to revise these Acts of the General Government. The immense territory then known as Indiana, and which now includes the State of that name, and also Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, petitioned Congress to revoke its ordinance of 1787, and to grant them permission to employ Slave labour, on the ground that immigration was totally insufficient to develop the resources of the country. In answer to this request, the Committee on Territories, by its chairman, Mr. Randolph, reported that it was highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision wisely instituted to promote the happiness and prosperity of the North-Western country, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier." And when the attempt was again made during the following year, and three years subsequently, to

introduce Slavery into the territory, Congress stood stedfastly upon its first decision.

Although opposed to any further extension of Slavery, Congress was forced to submit to the legalization of it in Kentucky, when that State applied for admission into the Union, under the threat of Kentucky's uniting herself to Spain. This was again the case with the territories ceded to the Confederation by Georgia and North Carolina, such cession being made with the proviso that Slavery should be permitted therein: the territory so ceded has since become the Slave States of Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama. In later years we have seen similar demands made by Texas, which entered the Union with the understanding that she should hereafter be divided into five States, Slavery existing in all.

The determination of South Carolina to reopen, if possible, the Slave-trade, brought about the enactment of the laws of 1808, 1818, 1819, and 1820, the last declaring the traffic to be piracy, and punishable with death.

We have now arrived at the period when the Slaveholding oligarchy began to feel themselves sufficiently powerful to brave the indignation of the Northern States, and to initiate that villanous policy

which has dominated the Union for the past forty

years.

THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE.

The legislation of Congress had, until this period, been generally in favour of freedom. Louisiana had been admitted into the Union as a Slave State, but, like Kentucky, the case was exceptional; for when purchased from the French Government, Slavery had existed there, by law, for years. The Louisianian territory not included within that portion which had entered the Union as a State, covered an immense area, embracing what are now the States of Arkansas and Missouri, and the Nebraska-Kansas territory. Arkansas and Missouri had become sufficiently peopled to apply for admission into the Confederation, and it lay within the province of Congress to declare whether they should enter the Union with or without Slavery. The question of free or forced labour now presented itself, and divided the country into two camps. The House of Representatives ranged itself on the side of freedom, whilst the upper House, or Senate, maintained that Slavery was legal in all the Louisianian territory. For three long years the struggle lasted, the House of Representatives refusing to admit Missouri with "the peculiar institution,"