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thinking to gratify Pausanias. 79. But he answered as follows: "Æginetan friend, I admire your good intentions and your foresight; but you have failed to form a right judgment ; for having highly extolled me, my country, and my achievement, you have thrown all down again to nothing, by advising me to insult a dead body, and saying, that if I do so I shall increase my fame, which is more fit for barbarians to do than Greeks, and which we abhor even in them. I cannot therefore in this matter please the Æginetæ, nor those to whom such things would be pleasing; it is sufficient for me to please the Spartans, by doing and speaking wbat is right. As for Leonidas, whose death you exhort me to avenge, I affirm, that he has been amply avenged ; both he and all the others who fell at Thermopylæ, have been avenged by the countless deaths of these men. However, do not you hereafter come to me with such a proposal, nor give such advice; and be thankful that you escape unpunished.” He having received this answer, went away.
80. Pausanias, having made proclamation that no one should touch the booty, commanded the helots to bring together all the treasures. They accordingly, dispersing themselves through the camp, found tents decked with gold and silver, and couches gilt, and plated and golden bowls, and cups and other drinking vessels ; they also found sacks on the wag. gons in which were discovered gold and silver caldrons : and from the bodies that lay dead they stripped bracelets, necklaces, and scymetars of gold; but no account at all was taken of the variegated apparel. Here the helots stole a great deal and sold it to the Æginetæ, and they also produced a great deal, such of it as they could not conceal: so that the great wealth of the Æginetæ hence had its beginning, for that they purchased gold from the helots as if it had been brass. 81. Having collected the treasures together, and taken from them a tithe for the god at Delphi, from which the golden tripod was dedicated, which stands on the three-headed brazen serpent, close to the altar ; and having taken out a tithe for the god at Olympia, from which they dedicated the brazen Jupiter, ten cubits high; and a tithe to the god at the Isthmus, from which was made the brazen Neptune, seven cubits high ; having taken out these, they divided the rest, and each took the share they were entitled to, as well the concubines of the Persians,
as the gold, silver, and other treasures, and beasts of burden. Now what choice presents were given to those who most distinguished themselves at Platæa, is mentioned by no one ; yet I am of opinion that such presents were given to them. But for Pausanias ten of every thing was selected and given him, women, horses, talents, camels, and all other treasures in like
82. It is said also that the following occurred: that Xerxes, flying from Greece, left all his own equipage to Mardonius; Pausanias, therefore, seeing Mardonius's equipage furnished with gold, silver, and various-coloured hangings, ordered the bakers and cooks to prepare a supper in the same manner as for Mardonius : and when they being ordered had so done, that Pausanias thereupon, seeing gold and silver couches handsomely carved, and gold and silver tables, and magnificent preparations for the supper, being astonished at the profusion set before him, in derision ordered his own attendants to prepare a Laconian supper; and that when the repast was spread, the difference was great, and Pausanias laughing sent for the generals of the Greeks; and when they had assembled, Pausanias, pointing to each preparation for supper, said, “Men of Greece, I have called you together for this reason, to show you the folly of the leader of the Medes ; who having such fare as this, has come to us, who have such poor fare, to take it from us.
It is related that Pausanias said this to the generals of the Greeks. 83. A considerable time after these events, many of the Platæans found chests of gold and silver, and other precious things. And still later than this, the following also was discovered, when the bodies were bared of flesh; for the Platæans brought together the bones to one place; there was found a skull without any seam, consisting of one bone ; there was also discovered a jaw, and the upper jaw had teeth growing in a piece, all in one bone, both the front teeth and the grinders ; there was likewise discovered the skeleton of a man five cubits high.
84. The next day after, the body of Mardonius had disappeared ; by whom removed, I am unable to say for certain. I have indeed heard of many men and of various nations, who are said to have buried Mardonius, and I know that several have received large presents from Artontes, son of Mardonius, for so doing. Yet who of them it was that carried off and buried the body of Mardonius, I am unable to ascertain
with certainty. However, Dionysiophanes, an Ephesian, is commonly reported to have buried Mardonius. Thus, then, he was buried. 85. But the Greeks, when they had divided the booty at Platæa, buried their own dead, each nation separately. The Lacedæmonians made three graves ; there, then, they buried the young officers,' amongst whom were Posidonius, Amompharetus, Phylocion, and Callicrates ; accordingingly in one of the graves the young officers were laid ; in another, the rest of the Spartans; and in the third, the helots : thus they buried their dead. The Tegeans buried all theirs together, in a separate spot; and the Athenians, theirs in one place; as also did the Megareans and Phliasians, those that had been destroyed by the cavalry. Of all these, therefore, the sepulchres were full. But of all the others whose sepulchres are seen in Platæa, they, as I am informed, being ashamed of their absence from the battle, severally threw up empty mounds, for the sake of future generations. For instance, there is a sepulchre there called that of the Æginetans, which, I hear, Cleades, son of Autodicus, a Platæan, who was their friend, threw up ten years after these events, at the request of the Æginetans.
86. When the Greeks had buried their dead in Platæa, they immediately determined, on consultation, to march against Thebes, and to demand the surrender of those who had sided with the Medes, and amongst the first of them Timegenides and Attaginus, who were the chief leaders, and if they should not give them up, they resolved not to depart from the city before they had taken it. When they had determined on this, they thereupon, in the eleventh day after the engagement, arrived and besieged the Thebans, requiring them to give up the men. And when the Thebans refused to give them up, they both ravaged their country, and attacked the walls. 87. As they did not cease damaging them, on the twentieth day Timegenides spoke thus to the Thebans : “Men of Thebes, since the Greeks have so resolved that they will not give over besieging us until either they have taken Thebes, or you have delivered us up to them, let not the Beotian territory suffer any more on our account. But if, being desirous of money,
9 'Ipéves were those who had attained their second year from boyhood, and now held a command. The MSS. read, ipéas," those who held 'sacred ottices."
they demand us as a pretence, let us give them money from the public treasury; for we sided with the Mede by general consent, and not of ourselves alone. If, however, they carry on the siege really because they want us, we will present ourselves before them to plead our cause." He appeared to speak well and to the purpose; and the Thebans immediately sent a herald to Pausanias, expressing their willingness to surrender the men. 88. When they had agreed on these terms, Attaginus escaped from the city, and his sons, who were brought before him, Pausanias acquitted from the charge, saying that boys could have no part in the guilt of siding with the Mede. As to the others whom the Thebans delivered up, they thought that they should be admitted to plead their cause, and moreover trusted to repel the charge by bribery; but he, as soon as he had them in his power, suspecting this very thing, dismissed the whole army of the allies, and conducting the men to Corinth, put them to death. Such were the events at Platæa and Thebes.
89. In the mean time Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, flying from Platæa, was already at a considerable distance. And on his arrival amongst them, the Thessalians invited him to an entertainment, and asked him news of the rest of the army, knowing nothing of what had happened in Platæa. But Artabazus, being aware that if he should tell the whole truth respecting the conflicts, both he and his army would be in danger of destruction, for he thought that every one would attack him, when informed of what had happened ;-considering this, he told nothing to the Phocians, and to the Thessalians he spoke as follows: “I, O men of Thessaly, as you see, am hastening my march to Thrace with the utmost expedition, and am using all possible diligence, having been sent on certain business with these forces from the army. Mardonius himself and his army may be expected following close on my heels. Entertain him also, and do him all the good offices you can; for you will never have cause to repent of doing so." Having said this, he marched his army with all speed through Thessaly and Macedonia direct towards Thrace, making all the haste he could, and cutting across by the inland road. At last he reached Byzantium, having left many of his men behind, partly cut off by the Thracians on the march, and partly having to contend with hunger and fatigue. From Byzan
tium he crossed over in boats. Thus, then, he returned to Asia.
90. On the same day on which the defeat at Platæa occurred, another happened to take place at Mycale in Ionia. For while the Greeks' were stationed at Delos, those who had gone there on ship-board with Leotychides the Lacedæmonian, there came to them as ambassadors from Samos, Lampon, son of Thrasycleus, Athenagoras, son of Archestratides, and Hegesistratus, son of Aristagoras, being sent by the Samians, unknown to the Persians and the tyrant Theomestor, son of Androdamas, whom the Persians had made tyrant of Samos. When they came to the generals, Hegesistratus used many and various arguments, and that “if only the Ionians should see them, they would revolt from the Persians, and that the barbarians would not withstand them; or if they should withstand them, the Greeks would not find any other such booty." Invoking, too, their common gods, he besought them to deliver Grecian men from servitude, and to repel the barbarian ; and he said, “that this would be easy for them to do, for that their ships sailed badly, and were not fit to fight with them; and, if they suspected at all that they were leading them on deceitfully, they were themselves ready to go on board their ships as hostages.” 91. As the Samian stranger was earnest in his entreaties, Leotychides, either wishing to hear for the sake of the presage, or by chance, the deity so directing it, asked: “O Samian friend, what is your name?” He answered: “Hegesistratus ;” upon which he, interrupting the rest of his discourse, if Hegesistratus intended to add more, said: “I accept? the Hegesistratus, my Samian friend; only do you take care that before you sail away, both you yourself and those who are with you, pledge your faith that the Samians will be zealous allies to us. 92. He at the same time said this, and added the deed. For the Samians immediately pledged their faith and made oath of confederacy with the Greeks: and having done this, the others sailed home, but he ordered Hegesistratus to sail with the fleet, regarding his name as an omen. The Greeks, therefore, having tarried that day, on the next sacrificed auspiciously, Deiphonus, son of Evenius, of Apollonia in the Ionian gulf, acting as diviner.
1 See B. VIII. chap. 131, 132. ? Hegesistratus means,
" leader of an army,"