THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, THE LEARNED AND AUTHENTIC JEWISH HISTORIAN AND CELEBRATED WARRIOR. WITH THREE DISSERTATIONS, CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST, JOHN THE BAPTIST, JAMES THE JUST, GOD'S COMMANE THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. 1. THE family from which I am derived is not ther; and I made mighty proficiency in the iman ignoble one, but hath descended all along from provements of my learning, and appeared to the priests; and as nobility among several people have both a great memory and understanding. is of a different origin, so, with us, to be of the Moreover, when I was a child, and about foursacerdotal dignity, is an indication of the splen- teen years of age, I was commended by all for dour of a family. Now, I am not only sprung the love I had to learning; on which account the from a sacerdotal family in general, but from the high priests and principal men of the city came first of the twenty-four* courses; and as among then frequently to me together, in order to know us there is not only a considerable difference be- my opinion about the accurate understanding of tween one family of each course and another, I points of the law. And when I was about sixam of the chief family of that first course also; teen years old, I had a mind to make trial of the These sects uay, farther, by my mother I am of the royal several sects that were among us. blood; for the children of Asamoneus, from whom are three; the first is that of the Pharisees, the that family was derived, had both the office of the second that of the Sadducees, and the third that high priesthood, and the dignity of a king, for a of the Essens, as we have frequently told you; long time together. I will accordingly set down for I thought that by this means I might choose my progenitors in order. My grandfather's father the best, if I were once acquainted with them was named Simon, with the addition of Psellus: all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and he lived at the same time with that son of Simon underwent great difficulties, and went through the high priest, who, first of all the high priests, them all. Nor did I content myself with these was named Hyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had trials only; but when I was informed that one nine sons, one of whom was Matthias, called whose name was Banus, lived in the desert, who Ephlias; he married the daughter of Jonathan used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of had no other food than what grew of its own ac the sons of Asamoneus, who was high priest, and cord, and bathed himself in cold water frequentwas the brother of Simon the high priest also.-ly, both by night and by day, in order to preserve This Matthias had a son called Matthias Curtus, his chastity, imitated him in those things, and and that in the first year of the government of continued with him for three years. So when I Hyrcanus; his son's name was Joseph, born in had accomplished my desires, I returned back to the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra; his son the city, being now nineteen years old, and beMatthias was born in the tenth year of the reign gan to conduct myself according to the rules of of Archelaus; as was I born to Matthias on the the sect of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the first year of the reign of Caius Cæsar. I have sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them. three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born on the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian; as was Justus born on the seveuth, and Agrippa ou the ninth. Thus have I set down the genealogy of my family, as I have found it described t in the public records, and so bid adieu to those who calumniate me, [as of a lower original.] 2. Now my father Matthias was not only eminent on account of his nobility, but had a higher commendation on account of his righteousness, and was in great reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest city we have. I was myself brought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my own brother, by both father and mo 3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth year of my age, it happened that I took a voyage to Rome, and this on the occasion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom on a small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause before Cæsar. These I was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that especially because I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety towards God even under their afflictions, but supported themselves with figs and nuts. Accordingly I came to Rome, *We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy teen, or for three years, he made trial of the three Jewish of the second book against Apion, sect. 7, 8. (for the sects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, and Greek is there lost) which says there were then only four yet says presently, in all our copies, that he stayed be tribes or courses of the priests, instead of twenty-four sides with one particular ascetic, called Banus, nap dur, Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus with him, and this still before he was nineteen, there is there contradicted what he had affirmed here, because little room left for his trial of three other sects. I supeven the account there given better agrees to twenty-four pose, therefore, that for nap åvrw, with him, the old thu to four courses, while he says that each of these reading might be rap aurois, with them: which is a very courses contained above 5000 men, which multiplied by small emendation, and takes away the difficulty before us. only four, will make not more than 20,000 priests; where- Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture, hinted at by Mr. Hall in as the number 120,000, as multiplied by 24, seems much his preface to the doctor's edition of Josephus, at all imthe most probable, they being about one-tenth of the probable, that this Banus, by this his description, might whole people, even after the captivity. See Ezra ii. 36-well be a follower of John the Baptist, and that from him 39. Neh. vii. 39-42, 1 Esd. v. 24, 25, with Ezra ii. 64. Josephus might easily imbibe such notions, as afterward Neh. vii. 66. 1 Esd. v. 41. Nor will this commou reading prepared him to have a favourable opinion about Jesus or notion of but four courses of priests, agree with Jose- Christ himself, who was attested to by John the Baptist. phus's own farther assertion elsewhere. Antiq. b. vii. ch. We may note here, that religious men among the xiv. sect. 7. that David's partition of the priests into twen-Jews, or at least those that were priests, were sometimes ty-four courses had continued to that day. ascetics also, and, like Daniel and his companions in Ba bylon, Dan. i. 8-16, ate no flesh, but figs and nuts, &c. only. This was like the spopayia, or austere diets, of the Christian ascetics in Passion week. Constit. v. 18. An eminent example of the care of the Jews about their genealogics, especially as to the priests. See Cont. Ap. b. i. ch. 7. When Josephus hore says, that from sixteen to nine though it were through a great number of ha- the Syrians. But what was done by the inhabi zards by sea; for, as our ship was drowned in tants of Scythopolis was the most impious and the Adriatic sea, we that were in it, being about highly criminal of all ;t for, when the Jews, their six hundred in number,* swam for our lives all enemies, came upon them from without, they the night; when, upon the first appearance of the forced the Jews that were among them to bear day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cyrene, I arms against their own countrymen, which it is and some others, eighty in all, by God's provi- unlawful for us to do and when by their assistdence prevented the rest, and were taken up into ance they had joined battle with those that atthe other ship. And when I had thus escaped, tacked them, and had beaten them, after that and was come to Dicearchia, which the Italians victory they forgot the assurances they had given call Puteoli, I became acquainted with Aliturius, these their fellow-citizens and confederates, and an actor of plays, and much beloved by Nero, slew them all, being in number many ten thou but a Jew by birth; through his interest became sands [13,000.] The like miseries were undergone known to Poppea, Cæsar's wife, and took care as by those Jews that were the inhabitants of Dasoon as possible to entreat ner to procure, that mascus. But we have given a more accurate the priests might be set at liberty. And when, account of these things in the books of the Jewbesides this favour, I had obtained many pre-ish war. I only mention them now, because ĺ sents from Poppea, I returned home again. would demonstrate to my readers, that the Jews' 4. And now I perceived innovations were al-war with the Romans was not voluntary, but ready begun, and that there were a great many that, for the main, they were forced by necessity very much elevated, in hopes of a revolt from to enter into it.. the Romans. I therefore endeavoured to put a stop to these tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to change their minds; and laid before their eyes against whom it was that they were going to fight, and told them that they were iuferior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune; and desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehement exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them, for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me. 5. I was then afraid, lest by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, as if I were of our enemies' party, and should run into the danger of being seized by them, and slain; since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so I retired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of robbers were put to death, when I abode among the high priests and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms, while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were not able to restrain their seditions. However, as the danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same opinion with them, but only advised them to be quiet for the present, and to let the enemy go away, still hoping that Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he came, and that with great forces, and so put an end to these seditious proceedings. 7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men of Jerusa lem, seeing that the robbers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were unprovided with arms, should be in subjection to their enemies, which also came to be the case afterward; and, being informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans, but that some part of it was still quiet, they sent me and two others of the priests, who were men of excellent characters, Joazar and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms, and to teach them this lesson, that it were better to have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that the nation had, [than to be kept there;] for that it had been resolved, that those our best men should always have their arms ready against futurity, but still so, that they should wait to see what the Romans would do. 8. When I had therefore received these instructions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in no small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had resol ved to plunder it, on account of the friendship they had with the Romans, and because they had given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the president of Syria.- But I delivered them all out of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send to those that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of Phenicia, as often as they pleased; though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion following: 9. There were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity. 6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was of these Julius Capellus was the head. Now he beaten, and a great many of those that were as well as all his companions, Herod the son of with him fell. And this disgrace [which Gessius Miarus, and Herod the son of Gamalus, and Comp with Cestius] received, became the calamity of sus the son of Compsus, (for as to Compsus' bro our whole nation; for those that were fond of the ther Crispus, who had once been governor of the war were so far elevated with this success, that || city under the great king, [Agrippa,] he was be they had hopes of finally conquering the Ro-yond Jordan in his own possessions;) all these mans. Of which war another occasion was mi- persons before named gave their advice, that the nistered, which was this: Those that dwelt in city should then continue in their allegiance to the neighbouring cities of Syria seized upon such the Romans, and to the king. But Pistus, who Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce and children, and slew them, when they had not in that resolution; otherwise he was himself nathe least occasion of complaint against them: turally of a good and virtuous character. But the for they did neither attempt any innovation or second faction was composed of the most ignoble revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any persons, and was determined for war. But as marks of hatred or treacherous design towards for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head br;" and that, ver. 17. "Thou shalt not avenge, nor bu any grudge against, the children of thy people; but the a shalt love thy neighbour as thyself;" as well as from ma y other places in the Pentateuch and Prophets. See Arq. b. viii. ch. viii. sect. 3. It hath been thought the number of Paul and his companions on ship board, Acts xxvii. 38. which are 276 in our copies, are too many; whereas we find here that Josephus and his companions, a very few years after the other, were about 600. See of the War, b. ii. ch. xviii. sect. 3, The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting against their brethren from that law of Moses, Lev. xix. 16. "Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thy neigh That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called Great King as here, appears by his coins still remain; to which Havercamp refers us. of the third faction, although he pretended to be || staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, doubtful about going to war, yet was he really having disguised himself with fictitious hair, that desirous of innovation, as supposing that he should he might not be discovered; and when he was gain power to himself by the change of affairs.come to one of the villages to him belonging, He therefore came into the midst of them, and but one that was situated at the borders of the endeavoured to inform the multitude, That, "the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that "city of Tiberias had ever been a city of Gali- were under him, and commanded them to come "lee, and that in the days of Herod the tetrarch, to him. But God himself hindered that his inwho had built it, it had obtained the principal tention, and this for his own advantage also; for "place, and that he had ordered that the city had it not so happened, he had certainly perish"Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city ed. For a fever having seized upon him imme"Tiberias; that they had not lost this pre-emi-diately, he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and "nence even under Agrippa the father, but had gave them to one of his freed men to carry them "retained it, until Felix was procurator of Judea.to Varus, who at this time was procurator of the "But he told them, that now they had been so kingdom, which the king and his sister had in"unfortunate as to be made a present by Nero trusted him withal, while they were gone to Beto Agrippa junior; and that upon Sepphoris' rytus with an intention of meeting Gessius."submission of itself to the Romans, that was When Varus had received these letters of Philip, become the capital city of Galilee, and that the and had learned that he was preserved, he was "royal treasury and the archives were now re- very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should moved from them." When he had spoken appear useless to the king and his sister, now hese things, and a great many more against Philip was come. He therefore produced the Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a re- carrier of the letters before the multitude, and volt, he added, That "this was the tiine for them accused him of forging the same; and said, that "to take arms, and join with the Galileans as he spake falsely, when he related that Philip was their confederates, (whom they might com- at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jews against mand, and who would now willingly assist the Romans. So he slew him. And when the them, out of the hatred they bare to the peo-freed man of Philip did not return again, Philip ple of Sepphoris, because they preserved their fidelity to the Romans,) and to gather a great "number of forces in order to punish them.". And, as he said this, he exhorted the multitude to go to war;] for his abilities lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more to their advantage, and thus by his craftiness and his fallacies, for he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks, and in dependence on that skill it was, that he undertook to write a history of these affairs, as aiming by this way of haranguing to disguise the truth. But as to this man, and how ill were is character and conduct in life, and how he and his brother were, in a great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall give the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, and had forced a great many so to do against their will, he went out, and set the villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos on fire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scythopolis. was doubtful what should be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second messenger with letters, that he might, upon his return, inform him what had befallen the other that had been sent before, and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messenger also, when he came, of telling & falsehood, and slew him. For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Cesarea, and had great expectations; for they said that Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews had committed, and that he should himself take the government, as derived from their king: for Varus was, by the confession of all, of the royal family, as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus; for which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept the letters to himself. He contrived, also, that the king should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the passes, lest any one should escape, and inform the king what had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, in order to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take up arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ec 10. And this was the state Tiberias was now batana; for that was the name they went by.n. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews When John, the son of Levi, saw some of his of Cesarea of the best character, and ordered citizens much elevated upon their revolt from them to go to Ecbatana, and inform their counthe Romans, he laboured to restrain them, and trymen who dwelt there, that Varus hath heard, entreated them that they would keep their alle- that "you intend to march against the king; but, giance to them. But he could not gain his pur- "not believing that report, he hath sent us to pose, although he did his endeavours to the ut"persuade you to lay down your arms, and that most; for the neighbouring people of Gadara, "this compliance will be a sign that he did well Gabara, and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got to- "not to give credit to those that raised the regether a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and "port concerning you." He also enjoined them. took Gischala by force, and set it on fire; and to send seventy of their principal men to make a when they had entirely demolished it, they re-defence for them as to the accusation laid against turned home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people forementioned, and rebuilt Gischala after a manner better than before, and fortified it with walls for its tuture security. 11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans, for the reason following: Philip the son of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but as he fled away, had fallen into another danger, and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him; but certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So Philip them. So when the twelve messengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana, and found that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to send the seventy men also; who not at all suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these seventy* went down to Cesarea, together with the twelve ambassa dors, where Varus met them with the king's forces, and slew them all, together with the [twelve] ambassadors, and made an expedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. But there was one of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to inform the Jews of their coming; upon which they took The famous Jewish number of Twelve and Seventy are here remarkable. |