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From The Contemporary Review. was President of Council, and in 1604

and 1606 carried the Great Seal as one of In a recent drama on John Hampden, the foremost nobles of Scotland in the the hero speaks thus of Charles I.: –

Parliaments held at Perth, when the no

bility rode in state. This Lord, who O that he were a tyrant bold as bad!

in his youth was hot and headstrong, had His subtle vice is so like princeliest virtue, That princely hearts will shed their blood for subsided, long before the birth of his son him.

James, into a quiet country gentleman, This ex post facto prophecy applies possessed of great baronies in the coun

vigilantly managing bis estates. He was with special force to Falkland in Eng-ties of Perth, Sterling, Dumbarton, and land, and in Scotland to Montrose. Forfar, and had exact ideas as to the “The noblest of all the Cavaliers,” Mont

number of oxen to his ploughs, of punrose has been called ; “ an accomplished, cheons of wine in his cellars, of sacks of gallant-hearted, splendid man ; what one

corn in his granaries. He was an invetmay call the Hero-Cavalier.” In the

erate smoker, perpetually investing in crowd of striking figures that occupy


tobacco and tobacco-pipes, a circumstage of the Revolution, there is no one

stance which has attracted notice from so romantically brilliant as Montrose ; the sensitive dislike with which his son no one so picturesquely relieved against shrank from the slightest smell of toother figures that move amid the sad and

bacco. stormful grandeurs of the time. Those contrasted types of character which have called, was the only son in a family of

Lord James, as from his infancy he was been so well marked in Scottish history six. Margaret, the eldest of his sisters, as to arrest the attention of Europe,

was married to Lord Napier of Merchisthe cold, cautious, forecasting type, the

ton, son of the discoverer of logarithms; impetuous and perfervid type,

and the brother-in-law, a man of parts never so finely opposed as in the per- and character, exerted a great influence sons of the deep-thoughted, melancholy Argyle, and the impulsive and intrepid sisters appear to have been younger than

on Montrose in his youth. Two of his Montrose.

himself. He must have been a beautiful James Graham, fifth Earl and first Marquis of Montrose, was born in 1612, his mother and elder sisters, the heir to

boy. The pride of his father, the pet of in one of his father's castles, near the

an exalted title and broad lands, he was town of that name. The Grahams were

likely to feel himself from childhood an among the most ancient and honourable families of Scotland. Tradition talks of seeds of ostentation, vanity, and wilful

important personage, and to have any a Graham scaling, in the cause of old

ness which might be sown in his nature Caledonia, the Roman wall between

somewhat perilously fostered. Forth and Clyde, and with clearer accents of a Graham who was the trustiest eminent degree to the generous and

His boyhood was favourable in an and best-beloved of the friends of Wal- chivalrous virtues. We can fancy him lace,

scampering on his pony over the wide Mente manuque potens, et Vallæ fidus Acha- green spaces of the old Scottish landtes,

scape, when roads were still few, and the who sleeps, beneath a stone bearing this way from one of his father's castles to inscription, in the old Church of Falkirk, another would be by the drove-roads, or near the field on which he fell. History, across the sward and the heather. Travtaking up the tale from tradition, informs elling, even of ladies and children, was us that one ancestor of Montrose died, then almost universally performed on sword in hand, at Flodden, and another horseback. Lord James had two ponies at Pinkie. His grandfather was High expressly his own, and we hear of his Treasurer to James I. ; then Chancellor ; fencing-swords and his bow. At Glasfinally Viceroy of Scotland. His father gow, whither he proceeded to study at



twelve years of age, under the charge of indispensable to men who not only play a a tutor named William Forrett, he con- brilliant part in great revolutions, but tinued to ride, fence, and practise arch- regulate and mould them, were never his ; ery. He was attended by a valet and two and we cannot be sure that, under the young pages of his own feudal following, authority of a sagacious, affectionate, and Willy and Mungo Graham. He had a determined father, he might not have atsuit of green camlet, with embroidered tained them. There is no sign that, at cloak, and his two pages were dressed in college, he engaged seriously in study. red. He and Forrett rode' out together, He became probably a fluent Latinist, Lord James on a white horse. Among which no man with any pretensions to his books was the History of Geoffrey de education could then fail to be ; he was Bouillon, and one of his favourite vol- fond of Cæsar, whose Commentaries he umes was Raleigh's History of the World. is said to have carried with him in his The establishment was supplied with campaigns; and he loved all books of “ manchets,” the white bread of the chivalrous adventure ; but we hear of no period, and oatcake and herrings were study that imposed self-denial, or important items in the commissariat

. quired severe application. He was a disThese particulars, gleaned by Mr. Mark tinguished golf-player and archer. There Napier from memoranda made by Forrett, being now no heir, in the direct line, to enable us to realize with vividness the the earldom and estates, he was counlife of the boy Montrose in the first quar- selled by his friends to marry early, and ter of the seventeenth century, when the when only seventeen led to the altar Clyde was still a silvery river glancing by Magdalene Carnegie, daughter of the the quiet town that clustered round the Earl of Southesk. He was already the old Cathedral of Glasgow.

father of two boys when, on attaining his From Glasgow we trave him to St. An- majority, he started on his Continental drews, where he matriculated in the Uni-travels in 1633. versity a few months before his father's For three years he remained abroad, in death. He was fourteen when the shrewd France and Italy. He made himself, say and experienced Earl, whose predomi- his panegyrists, "perfect in the acadenance might have kept him beneficially in mies ; ” learned “as much mathematics the shade, and exercised an influence to as is required for a soldier” (rather less chasten and concentrate his faculties, probably than Count Moltke might prewas laid in the family vault. From this scribe); conversed with celebrites, polititime Montrose appears to have been very cal and erudite ; and devoted himself by much lord of himself. His was a mind preference to the study of great men. of that order which peculiarly required, Doubtless these were years of eager to develop its utmost strength, all that observation, of eager and rapid acquisiwise men mean by discipline. To devel- tion. He seems to have already imop its utmost strength; not necessarily pressed a wide circle with the idea of to develop its utmost beauty and natural his superiority, and he was prone to grace and splendour. There was no accept the highest estimate which his malice, or guile, or cross-grained self- flatterers formed of him. will, or obstinate badness of any kind, Returning from the continent in 1636, in young Montrose. He accepted, with he presented himself at Court. Charles open-hearted welcome, the influence of received him coldly, and he was hurt. Forrett, of Napier, of every worthy friend There is no need to believe with Mr. Naor teacher, winning and retaining through pier that the Marquis of Hamilton elablife their ardent affection. The poetry, orately plotted to prevent his acquiring the romance, of his nature bloomed out influence with the King. Clarendon's rein frank luxuriance. But the gravity and mark respecting Charles, that he "did not earnest strength, the patient thoughtful- love strangers nor very confident men," ness, thoroughness, and habit of com- accounts for what happened. A dash of prehensive intellectual vision, which are ostentation and self-confidence was con

spicuously present in Montrose ; and, as terial elections to the Glasgow Assembly his sister Catherine was known to be at of 1638 with a particularity savouring this time lurking in London in an adul- rather of paternal government on the terous connection with her brother-in- modern Imperial type than of a governlaw, it may have occurred to the King ment extemporized for the purpose of that it would be not unbecoming in the vindicating, as one chief thing, the freeyoung gentleman to carry less sail. dom of Presbyteries in Scotland. This

In Scotland he found himself a person fact turned up inopportunely in the As.of consequence. He was in the front sembly itself, through the awkwardness rank of the nobility, his estates were of a clerk, who blurted out the name of large, his connection extensive ; and there the man whom one of the Presbyteries was a general persuasion that he was ca- had been instructed by the Edinburgh pable of great things. It was of high Tables to return. The Rev. David Dickimportance to secure such a man to the son endeavored to explain, hinting that the popular cause, and Montrose was not in- name in question had been sent down disposed to throw himself into the move to the Presbytery through negligence. ment. The scheme of Thorough, in its Montrose would not countenance even so two branches of enslavement in Church much of pious guile. He started to his, and State, had been applied to the Scot- feet, put aside canny David's explanation, tish Parliament and to the Scottish and declared that the Tables would stand Church. Mr. Brodie, whose valuable to every jot of what they had written. He work on our Constitutional History has had no secretiveness in his nature, and been, perhaps, too much thrown in the could do nothing by halves. He was at shade by Hallam, points out the grasping this time à resolute and even an enthusiarbitrariness with which, in his visit to astic Covenanter. Scotland in 1633, Charles laid his hand Partly, perhaps, with a view to humourupon the civil as well as the religious lib- ing and leading him, partly, also, because erties of Scotland. On returning from they knew that he was at heart true to the his travels in 1636, Montrose became cause, the Covenanters named him Genconvinced that both were in danger, and eralissimo of the army which proceeded with all that was best in the intelligence to Aberdeen in the beginning of 1639, to and most fervent in the religion of Scot- check the Marquis of Huntley, who was land, he prepared for their defence. in arms in the royal interest, and to chasAgainst Thorough the National Cove- tise the anti-covenanting town. He was nant of 1638 was Scotland's protest. It accompanied by General Alexander Lescorresponds, in its essential meaning, lie, nominally his Adjutant, really his though not in time, to the impeachment instructor. Montrose took his first pracof Strafford by the Commons of England. tical lessons in war with the aptitude of In each instance the respective nations genius born for the field. The Aberdonmay be pronounced unanimous. Claren- ians and the Gordons felt the weight of don acted with Hampden and Pym against his hand, and the Royalists in the northStrafford ; Montrose put his name to the east of Scotland were effectually quelled ; National Covenant as well as Argyle, and but even while enforcing the Covenant at sat upon the same Table, or, as we should the sword-point, he proclaimed that his now say, managing committee, of Cove- zeal for the religious liberties of Scotland nanting Nobles with Lothian and Rothes. was not more honest than his allegiance Baillie says that the Covenanters found it to his Sovereign ; and there sprung up difficult to “guide” him ; but this arose, and gradually strengthened in him the in the earlier stages of the business, not idea that Argyle and his party were pressbecause his Covenanting zeal was in de- ing matters too far, that enough had been fect, but because he would do things in a conceded by Charles, and that the day high-handed, and what appeared to them was drawing near when it would be necesan imprudently open way. The Tables, sary to make a stand for the Monarchy. for example, had looked after the Presby-l în point of fact, sincere as was the Covenanting zeal of Montrose, it was dent in his devotion to his country as never so fervent as in some of the Cov- Argyle, had never conferred with Hampenanters. He was a religious man, but den, never imbibed from the English his religion was a very different thing Puritans their invincible distrust of from that of Cromwell, Vane, or Argyle. Charles. With them religion was an impassioned There was much also in the character energy of spiritual enthusiasm ; with him of Montrose to predispose him to that it was the devout and reverent loyalty lofty but somewhat vague idealization of with which a noble nature regards the authority, that enthusiasm for the repreSovereign of the universe. If the main sentative of a long line of kings, that. current of tendency in those years was reverence for the established order of religious, — if the main factor in world- things, and that partly aristocratic, partly history was religious earnestness, the feminine shrinking from the coarser and circumstance that Montrose .was not a cruder associations of democracy, which supremely religious man, would account constitute the poetry of modern Toryism. for his having played a glittering rather Mr. Mark Napier has printed an essay than a great part in the Revolution. by Montrose, brief but of singular inCardinal de Retz's compliment gives the terest, in which his conception of kingly reason why it was impossible for him authority and popular freedom, and of the to be a Scottish Cromwell. Cardinal relation between the two, is set forth with de. Retz pronounced him “the solitary as much lucidity as is common in writings being who ever realized to his mind of that generation, and with a certain the image of those heroes whom the stateliness and pomp of expression world sees only in the biographies of which, taken along with the touches of Plutarch.”. A Plutarchian hero was out poetry occurring in Montrose's verse, of date in the age of the Puritans. Mont- prove that, in altered circumst inces, he rose aspired to emulate the deeds of might have been a remarkable writer. Cæsar and Alexander. Cromwell sought The value or valuelessness of the prece the Lord in the Psalms of David. Add in respect of political philosophy may be to this that, in comparison with Argyle gauged by the fact that Montrose has not and the best heads in the party, Mont- grasped the central idea of politics in rose was deficient in judgment, in expe- modern times, to wit, representation. rience, in thorough apprehension of the The truth that sovereignty resides in the organic facts of the revolution. His lack people, and that kingship is a delegation of judgment is demonstrated by his en- from the people, which was then begintire misconception of the views of Argyle ning to make itself felt as a power in and Hamilton. He took up the notion world-history, and was firmly apprehended that these men aimed at sovereignty. by Hampden, Cromwell, Pym, and Vane, This, as the sequel proved, was an hallu- has no place in Montrose's essay. The cination. When Charles I. was struck notion of royal authority as son

something down and not yet beheaded, Hamilton distinct, balanced against national right did not attempt to set the Scottish crown or freedom, -a notion which has bewilon his own head, but lost his life in an dered political fanciers, down to the days effort to replace it and that of England of Mr. Disraeli — is what he fundamenon the head of Charles. When Charles tally goes upon. “ The king's preroga. 1. was dead, Argyle did not seize the tive,” he says, "and the subject's privithrone of Scotland, which would have lege are so far from incompatibility, that been a hopeful enough enterprise, but the one can never stand unless supported staked all on a hopeless attempt to regain by the other. For the sovereign being for Charles II. the throne of Charles I. strong, and in full possession of his lawThe motives of Argyle's conduct, at the ful power and prerogative, is able to properiod when his path diverged from that tect his subjects from oppression, and of Montrose, are sufficiently clear. Well maintain their liberties entire ; otherwise acquainted with the character of the king, not. On the other side, a people, enjoywith the policy and projects of Laud and ing freely their just liberties and priviStrafford, with the wrongs of the English leges maintaineth the prince's honour and Puritans and their estimate of the danger prerogative out of the great affection threatening the liberties of the nation, he they carry towards him ; which is the knew that it would be puerile simplicity greatest strength against foreign invato accept the professions of Charles as sion, or intestine insurrection, that a an adequate guarantee of what Scotland prince can possibly be possessed with.” required and demanded. Montrose, ar- | He speaks of “the oppression and tyr

anny of subjects, the most fierce, insatia- | out of the main current of his country's ble, and insupportable tyranny in the history, and getting into a track of his world." He is prepared to go lengths in own, submission to the “prince" which show We can imagine the effect which a perthat he never kindled into sympathy with sonal interview with Charles, at the the high, proud and free spirit of the period when he made his first important English Puritans, never got beyond the concessions to his Scottish subjects, figment of indefeasible right in an would have upon Montrose. They met anointed king. Subjects, he declares, at Berwick in July, 1639, when the King, “ in wisdom and duty are obliged to tol- finding it impracticable to reduce the erate the vices of a prince as they do Scots by force of arms, patched up an storms and tempests, and other natural agreement with the Covenanters, and evils which are compensated with better might well seem, to one predisposed to times succeeding." Here were the germs trust him, to have yielded all that his of a Royalism as enthusiastic as could be countrymen could reasonably expect. found among the young lords and swash- The “melancholy Vandyke air,” the pabucklers who were now beginning to thetic dignity, which seldom forsook cluster round Charles at Whitehall. Charles in private, the studied delicacy

With Montrose, in his political specu- of consideration and praise with which lations or dreams, were associated Napier he well knew how to act upon a young of Merchiston, Sir George Stirling of man not without his touch of egotism and Keir, and Sir Archibald Stewart of Black- of vanity, won the heart of Montrose. The hall. These had “occasion to meet latter did not come to a breach with the often” in Merchiston Hall, the residence Covenanters, but henceforward he veheof Napier, near Edinburgh, a turreted mently exerted himself to oppose by conkeep or castle, with bartizan atop, on stitutional methods the party which suswhich, in the feudal times, the sentinel pected Charles. He placed himself in made his rounds, and which, in the less frank antagonism to Argyle in the Parmartial days that now were, afforded on liament which met in Edinburgh early in summer evenings a pleasant lounge. 1640. His belief was that the King There Montrose and his friends, secure meant well and that the objects of the from intrusion, could talk politics, theo- Covenant had been secured. He was retical and practical, casting a glance at now in constant correspondence with intervals over the loveliest landscape, the Charles, but his letters contained nothing green-blue Pentlands on the left, the soft to imply that he had ceased to be a Cove undulating swell of Corstorphine hill on enanter. Nay, he made bold to give his the right, while the setting sun flooded royal correspondent advice which is surwith amber glow the valley that lay be- prising, for its courageous honesty. tween. At the foot of the tower, now * Practise, sir, the temperate governfronted with a white dwelling-house, but ment; it fitteth the humour and disposiwhich then stood bare and gaunt, were tion of Scotland best; it gladdeth the the meadows which logarithmic Napier, hearts of your subjects ; strongest is that as fond of experimental farming, as of power which is based on the happiness algebra, had nursed into sap and luxu- of the subject.” riance. Algebra and cow-feeding are not The position of Montrose was rapidly generally considered promotive of specu- becoming painful, rapidly becoming unLative romance, but the inventor of loga- tenable. Restlessness, agitation, peturithms gave play to his imagination in lant loquacity were the external signs of the study of prophecy, and was an in- a conflict with which his mind was torn. trepid theorist on Antichrist and Arma- Anxiously and ardently loyal, he could geddon. Lord Napier, Montrose's friend not enter with enthusiasm into the views and brother-in-law, was the son of this of those who promoted the second Scotmany-sided genius, and seems to have in- tish levy against Charles, or take any deherited his vein of imaginative enthu- light in the advance into England. It siasm rather than his sagacious intelli- was undeniable, however, that the Covgence of algebraic figures and agricul-enanters had many causes of offence, and tural facts. In Lord Napier's society as they professed, in the new appeal to Montrose found himself steadily growing arms, to fight not against the King but in that romantic loyalty which is rooted his evil counsellors, he did not come to in the affections rather than in the in- an open rupture with the Scottish leadtellect, and in opposition to the Cove-ers. He commanded 2500 men in Alexnanting chiefs. He was working himself ander Leslie's army, and dashed gallant

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