I can take you wherever you want to go, and as my carriage moves more quickly than you do on foot, I shall save you the minutes instead of robbing you of them." "You are most kind, but I was only going to my hotel, which is close by."

"Then you have no excuse for not taking a short drive with me in the Champs Elysées-come."

Thus bidden, Graham could not civilly disobey. He handed the fair American into her carriage, and seated himself by her side.

From The Saturday Review.
ICELAND POLITICS.

but his administrative power, though enlarged by recent changes, is still limited, all questions of consequence being referred to Denmark; and there is, as before said, an Icelandic Assembly, consisting of twenty-one elective members, and six nominated by the King; but it meets only once in two years, for a month at a time, and is merely consultative. Matters are brought before it on which it may express its opinion, but it has no positive authority, either administrative or legislative; the King may, if he chooses, issue a law or impose a tax in direct opposition to its votes. As leg. islation is very scanty, and as the few taxes levied are mostly, with the excep tion of the imposts on trade, in the nature of local rates expended for local purposes in the parish or county (Syssel), this weakness of the Chamber is less of a practical grievance than it might appear. It is, however, in theory indefensible; and Denmark, which has enjoyed a very free constitution for some time past, feels herself unable to resist the demands of the Icelanders for a system more conformable to modern ideas. A constitution was accordingly some time since drafted, providing for the control of the

GEOGRAPHERS tell us that Iceland belongs rather to Greenland and North America than to our continent, and certainly no part of what we commonly reckon Europe can be named which has so little to do with the rest or is so little known by it. Even in the great days of the island-the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries- its population was too small to give it any influence on the course of affairs on the Continent, and ever since then it has drifted on un- Althing over the finances and for its ininoticed. After nearly four hundred tiative in legislation. This was submitted years of independence, latterly as a rude- to the Chamber at three successive meetly federal aristocratic republic, it accepted ings, approved by them so far as it went, in 1262-64 the sovereignty of the Kings and rejected only because it did not also of Norway, followed Norway in the union provide for an Icelandic Ministry responof the latter kingdom with the Danish sible to the Althing. The National party Crown in 1397, and, when Norway was insisted that without this provision the severed from Denmark in 1815, remained Althing could not make its control effectattached to Denmark, though it ought, no ive; the Danish Government, on the doubt, to have been assigned to Norway. contrary, insisted on placing the affairs Its venerable Assembly, the Althing, was of the island in charge of one of the abolished in 1800; but in 1843 a new Danish Ministers of the King, replying Chamber was created, to which the old to the remonstrances of the Icelanders name was given, and by means of which that the power of impeaching a Minister a certain measure of political life and was practically useless, and that to allow agitation has been created. The great the Althing to expel a Minister from wave which passed over Europe in 1848 office by its vote would be to sever the made itself felt even in this remote cor- administration of Iceland from that of ner; a National Liberal party has sprung up, whose claims and projects are not without interest to other countries, and they are the more curious to us because they recall some of the questions which have arisen with English colonies.

Denmark, since it would be absurd to allow a Minister of Justice for the whole monarchy who retained the confidence of the Danish Rigsdag to succumb to the Icelandic Althing. They offered, however, to allow the Althing to impeach an The government of the island is at offending Minister before the High present practically vested in the Danish Court of Justice at Copenhagen, but this Ministry at Copenhagen, who are respon- was not accepted, and the dispute resible to the Danish Diet for their general mained unsettled. The real point at policy, but in no special way for Iceland-issue, as may be easily understood, is the ic affairs. There is a Danish Governor desire of Iceland to have a separate local of Iceland, who resides at Reykjavík ; 'administration to be, in fact, independ

ent of the Danish Legislature, while owning allegiance to the Danish Crown.

seem hard to rouse an agitation or hold a party together in a country where there can be few public meetings because it is often a dozen miles or so from one house to another, where the two little sheets that serve as newspapers appear only once a fortnight, and the Chamber meets but once in two years. But the National party has for its leader a man whose eminent talents, dignified character, and consistent advocacy of the same line of policy have given him an extraordinary influence over his countrymen, Jón Sígurdsson; it has earned the gratitude of the people by forcing the Danes to abrogate the old oppressive trade laws; it embraces most of the clergy as well as of the farmers, and can always command a large majority in the Althing.

Like most other political questions, this One has a sentimental as well as a practical side, and the former is perhaps the more serious. Ever since she acquired the island at the end of the fourteenth century, Denmark has used it very scurvily, doing little or nothing for its development, sometimes neglecting her engagement to send thither every year six vessels laden with the goods needed by the people, allowing no Icelander to own a merchant ship, and for a long period maintaining a strict trade monopoly, under which the brisk traffic that was driven sometimes with England, sometimes with Hamburg and Bremen, dwindled and disappeared. Till far down in the present century Iceland was treated i As this National party has been conas nothing better than a preserve for stantly in opposition, it has not till Danish merchants; and both her literary recently found it necessary to propound aw kening and her growing material a positive programme, and there has prosperity have been the work of her been some difficulty in saying exactly own children, discouraged by the selfish- what its wishes and schemes are. Hithness of a Government which showed erto the business of the party has been here, on a small theatre, the same folly to complain, and the grievances comwhich proved so fatal to it in Schleswig and plained of may by outsiders be thought Holstein. Now, indeed, Denmark seems more sentimental than practical. Perto have turned over a new leaf. The sonal liberty could hardly be more secure protective laws have been abolished, and or more extensive than it now is in Icean annual sum of about 6,000l. is taken land; there is probably no part of Eufrom the Danish Exchequer to be spent rope where Government plays so small a in the island. But the jealousy and dis- part and so seldom crosses the path_of like of their foreign rulers which ripened the ordinary citizen by police interferduring so many generations in the Ice- ence. The taxation is very low, though landic people is not so easily got rid of. it must be added, that the taxpayers are As the last six centuries have taught very poor; justice is fairly administered; them to abhor government from without, everybody is of the same creed. On the so their stirring history and noble litera- other hand, people declare that many ture in the days of the old Republic (930- things are neglected which the Govern1262) have created a national spirit and ment ought to undertake - the making a desire for national political life. On a of roads, for instance, the establishment smaller scale the literature of the Sagas, of an inland postal service, the foundaalways known and cherished by the tion of a school of agriculture, and the people, has now done for Iceland what establishment of educational institutions its mediaval literature did for Italy, what for the teaching of practical sciences its historical memories did for Germany, which are now totally neglected; and in the way of rekindling or feeding the when the Danes ask how all this is to be passion for national union. There has done without taxing the island more thus sprung up within the last thirty heavily, they produce certain ancient years, chiefly (the Danes say entirely) claims which Iceland has upon Denmark, through the exertions of the younger and allege that the 6,000l. a year now generation of literary men and priests paid is but a small part of what she ought educated at the Reykjavík Latin School to pay annually till these are discharged. and the University of Copenhagen, an At the time of the Reformation the agitation which cannot perhaps be called Danish kings seized the church lands, warm - for in Iceland nothing is warm sold a great part of them very improviexcept the Geysers and volcanoes-but dently, and applied the money to their which is kept up with steady persever- own purposes; they are also accused ance, and enlists the sympathy of the of having diverted sums contributed large majority of the people. It may throughout Europe for the relief of Ice

should by turns be constantly with the King, as is the case with Norway, so long

land after the great eruption of the Skaptar Jökull in 1783, as well as of various misapplications in time past of Icelandic as Iceland does not refuse to pay the cost revenues. Smaller grounds of complaint of the machinery. As respects their reneed hardly be enumerated that Danes lation to Denmark, they maintain that are placed in office in Iceland, and jobs their union with the Norwegian Crown perpetrated for their relations; that the originally was, and that their subsequent Crown lands are ill managed; that no union with the Danish has always been, proper museum is kept up, all the antiq-in point of law, a personal one, such as uities found being carried off to Copen-was the relation of Scotland and England hagen; and that there is no law school before 1702, and as is the relation of on the island, so that students are Norway to Sweden now. Some patriots obliged to resort to the University of go further, and think that it would be Copenhagen, where Danish, but not Ice- well for Iceland to dissolve altogether landic, law is taught. As there are but her connection with Denmark; they feel, two professional lawyers in Iceland. however, that so poor and thinly peopled though those too happy farmers, not a country could not stand alone, and are knowing their own good fortune, desire in doubt where to bestow themselves. to have more it seems no great hard- There has been some talk of uniting with ship that the budding procurator who ap- Norway, towards which, as their original pears, like the aloe blossom, but once in mother-country, the Icelanders have almany years should get his mind enlarged ways cherished warm feelings; and the by a visit to Denmark. But whatever Norwegians have by various little civilithese grievances may be worth, the real ties offered of late years endeavoured to cause of the movement is the wish for a draw the bonds of friendship closer. mode of government which shall recog- Norway is of course much nearer than nize the national existence of Iceland, Denmark, and is thought likely, now that and be commited to Icelandic rather than her wealth is growing with her increasing to Danish hands. The Icelanders dis- trade, to be more liberal in money matlike the idea of being treated as a subject ters. Others among the National party province, and having everything done for have suggested that Iceland should offer them, even supposing it to be done well; herself to England, to which she was and they insist that it must be done ill once on the point of being sold by one of so long as it is done at Copenhagen. the Danish Kings; in this way, they There is, therefore, a general agreement think, not only would self-government be in demanding some sort of local inde-secured to them, but the English capital pendence, but there have been various which is so much needed for the developopinions as to the extent of the independence to be sought.

What has been publicly claimed is the transference to Iceland of the Copenhagen bureau of Icelandic affairs (connected there with the Ministry of Justice), and the permanent residence in the island of the responsible Minister; or, which comes to the same thing, the committal of its administration to the resident Governor, who is now little more than an executive officer carrying out the instructions he receives from Copenhagen. To this proposal the Danes make two objections-first, that the King must have his adviser in Icelandic affairs at his elbow, else how is he to exercise his constitutional rights of sovereignty? secondly, that the Nationalist scheme would amount to a breaking up of the Danish monarchy, and the making Iceland an independent State. The Nationalists answer, that it would be easy to arrange the responsible Ministry in such a manner that one of the members of it

ment of the resources of the island would be more rapidly attracted to it. All this, however, is nothing more than the talk of irresponsible persons, and does not seem likely to have any immediate practical result; it is hardly more serious than the aspirations one hears in Shetland for a return to Denmark. The recognized leaders of the Icelandic Liberals profess loyalty to the Danish King, and content themselves with demanding a separate local administration for Iceland, the repayment of the sums which Denmark is alleged to owe, and the extension of the powers of the Althing. The more important of these demands have, it appears, recently found formal expression in a draft constitution which on the 28th of last July received the sanction of a Committee of the Althing, and which is to be submitted to the King by delegates deputed for the purpose. The chief provisions of this instrument are, we are told, that Iceland shall in future be connected with Denmark by a per

From The Spectator.

sonal union only, and shall be governed |ditions, no ignoble future in store for by a Viceroy with three Ministers re- them. sponsible to the Althing. In the meanwhile, pending the final settlement of the new constitution, the King's assent is to be asked to a provisional arrangement to the effect that the Althing be at once inPRINCE BISMARCK'S NEXT STROKE. vested with full legislative powers, that a Budget be submitted for its approval Is it quite so certain that Prince Bisonce in every two years no tax being marck's genial but menacing frankness levied in Iceland for defraying expendi- towards Herr Kryger, the Member for ture incurred by the Danish Government North Schleswig, was intended only to and that a special Minister, responsi-warn him that all claim on the part of Denble to the Althing, be appointed for Icelandic affairs.

mark to North Schleswig must be finally laid aside? We have noticed now for It is probable that the Icelanders may eight years that when the Prince is unsucceed in obtaining some considerable usually frank, when he uses only colextension of the powers of the Althing, loquialisms, and seems to be letting his but it remains to be seen whether Den- whole heart out, he has generally some mark will concede demands which in fact large plan in his head which his frankness amount to the virtual independence of does not suffer to escape. He was terthe island. Iceland, it may be added, ribly frank after Sadowa, but said naught has by no means the same advantages of the secret treaties in his pocket; and for self-government which are possessed terribly frank after Sedan, but said nothby most of our colonies, to whose exam- ing of his intention to tax France six ple an appeal is often made. Its small millions a year to all generations. It will population (scarcely 70,000) is scattered be remembered that his sternly courteous over a wide area; there are no roads or phrases to Herr Kryger were uttered just other means of communication; it would before the visit of the Crown Prince of be difficult either to bring public opinion Germany to Copenhagen, a visit of which to bear on a powerful Governor, or to he must have been aware, that his Imkeep the Althing in session to watch him perial Highness was received with unexduring a considerable part of the year. pected cordiality by the Court and upper On the other hand, she is united to Den- classes, and that he discussed politics mark by far looser ties than those which with the King for about two hours. Is it connect Great Britain with the larger quite impossible that he may have carcolonies. Denmark was not her mother-ried with him a proposal which might country; her language, her literature, strike the King, who is a purely German her national manners and character, her Prince, as it would not strike the patriotic historical associations, are all different. among the Danes, to restore Schleswig The concession of a measure of inde- Holstein, or at all events, Schleswig to pendence to the island would not weaken Denmark, if the Danes would enter GerDenmark, which draws from it neither many on the terms granted to the Bavamoney nor men; and though it would not rians,—that is, with their autonomy preproduce in Iceland itself all those good served on all but imperial questions? effects which the Nationalists have per- That such an offer might be made, or suaded themselves to expect, it would at rather be hinted at, we can readily beleast dispose the people to rely more upon lieve, for Denmark, small as she is, might themselve, stimulate their national life become a great danger to Germany, givin all its branches, and make them exert ing all her enemies a landing-point in themselves more vigorously in the de- very disagreeable proximity to Berlin. velopment of their material resources. It was well understood during the FranThat want of enterprise which so much co-German war that General Falkenstrikes a stranger, and which contrasts stein's huge command was not left there so notably with the magnificent force and on the North Sea merely to protect the daring of their ancestors in the tenth and coast, but to occupy Jutland, should eleventh centuries, is due in great measure France succeed, as she expected to sucto the state of dependent helplessness in ceed, in calling Denmark to arms. Then which Denmark has kept them. A people the Danes, who are seafarers, would furwith so much intelligence and so many nish a grand addition to the maritime private virtues may well hope to have, resources of Germany, while all disconunder more favourable political con- tent in Schleswig would perforce be end

ed, and Germany relieved of a real danger in the Baltic. The new Germans, moreover, would be Protestants of the most convinced kind, would quite overbalance Posen, and make some sort of a counterpoise even to Bavaria. Iceland would be a penal settlement for Germany, and Copenhagen the pleasure city for all the Northerners. There would, it is true, be Schleswig to give up, and the present Hohenzollern gives up nothing, but the Imperial Crown Prince may be German even more than Prussian, and the immense addition to German safety may weigh with him more strongly than his father. We could quite conceive that such a prospect might be attractive to Berlin, and quite understand why, if it is conceived, the hopelessness of reference to the Treaty of Prague might be impressed by the Chancellor on all men with designed frankness, mixed with an admission that at some future date a time might come when the solution should be pleasing to the North Schleswigers.

But

man as it was, more particularly if, in reward of alliance, it could recover Schleswig, annihilate Socialism, and retain its civil position as Munich has done. As for the Court, an Oldenburg may well accept the position which contents a Wittelsbach. As for the nobles, they would be greater as Germans. The bourgeois care mainly for trade, and although the lower class no doubt cling to their nationality with passionate fervor, we doubt if it would, after a severe Socialist émeute, be impossible to carry an Act of Union. The hatred, at all events, could be no greater than that of the people of Alsace-Lorraine, and Germany endures that with philosophic composure. Russia would oppose? If Russia could; but we have been told that Russian zeal would be cooled greatly by a cause we have mentioned once before, but which is much overlooked, the despairing impression among her Generals that as yet her troops cannot compete with the Germans, and among her statesmen, that if they quarrel with Germany they will never be allowed to occupy Constantinople. Besides, the grand danger of the Union to Russia, the sealing-up of the Baltic, exists from the day she cannot cope with the German fleet, and ends on the day that she acquires Hammerfest, a Swedish port unlocked by ice all the winter, lying directly on the Atlantic, yet capable of connection with St. Petersburg by a railway line. Russia would be too much afraid of an invasion of her German Provinces, and of her position if she should after a brief campaign be com

The real points of resistance to such a project would not be found in Berlin, but in Copenhagen, St. Petersburg, and Europe generally, and it may be worth while to study a little how much resistance is to be expected in either quarter. A year ago we should have said at once that the Danes would have died in arms or have submitted to emigration en masse rather than accept such a proposal, but we are not so clear just now. Their friendship for France, however deep, is very much modified by the Ultramontanism professed by her present rulers, a Catholic Protectorate by no means enter-pelled to sue for peace. ing into Lutheran desires. They would as lief be governed by Berliners as by devotees of the Sacred Heart. Then the sense of smallness has been growing in Denmark since the plan for a Scandinavian Union died away prohibited, we imagine, by Russia and Germany combined and since they felt their sudden but utter powerlessness in 1870; while there has arisen a new fear, a fear of Socialism, which is growing powerful in the little State, and seems everywhere that it exists to kill out nationalism among the upper classes, witness the executions still going on in Paris, the rough use of troops in Denmark, and the terrible vigor of hatred which possesses the majority in Spain. Kings in particular seem to be bereft of their senses at the merest appearance of the mania, which, except in Russia, has nowhere any solid chance. We doubt if Copenhagen is as anti-Ger

And Europe? Europe in such circumstances means France, England, and Austria, and we doubt if the latter would be trustworthy in an anti-German conflict. The Germans would be half-hearted, and be compelled to defend the Tyrol against Italy, while the Hungarians would maintain their persistent thesis that Sadowa restored them to their freedom, and that an Austrian victory would bring back German domination and the Concordat. The difficulty, on the other hand, of inducing England to fight a great war, such as a war with Germany would be, in order to resist a parliamentary vote in another country and a Federalist project, would be almost insuperable, certainly insuperable with the existing Government; while France would thus be left to do the one thing she will not do without an ally, fight Germany before she is perfectly prepared. There would be little aid, we fear, for