3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him when he was a private man: his name was Antipater; yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons of Mariamne, and managing this elevation of his son, that it might be for a warning to them, for this bold behaviour of theirs [he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded, that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these to be of a better disposition: But the event proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against them. Accordingly all the reports that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as if those discoveries proceed-ed from him, but he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their good-will to him and while these joint accusations, which from various foundations supported one another's veracity, the young men themselves afforded farther occasions to Antipater also: for they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths, and among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them all which things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations, increased the disorders so much, that it brought a great

tumult into the family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased the honour that he had bestowed on Antipater; and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to Cæsar in favour of him, and more earnestly recommended him to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had finished his ten years government in Asia, Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him he had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Cæsar's friend, insomuch, that things already looked as if he had all his father's favour and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom.

CHAP. IV.

How during Antipater's abode at Rome, Herod brought Alexander and Aristobulus before Cæsar, and accused them. Alexander's 'defence of himself before Caesar, and reconciliation to his father.

§ 1. AND now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented the honour to which he had been, promoted, and bis apparent eminence above his brethren, for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there, only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a most favourable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his brethren, under pretence indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but in truth, such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill disposed towards the young men ; but still, while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss, or too rash, and so offend, he thought it

*This interval of ten years for the duration of Marcus Agrippa's government in Asia, seems to be true, and agreeable to the Roman history. See Usher's Annals at A. M. 3392.

best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Cæsar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety; but as he was going up to Rome, it happened that be made such haste as to meet with Cæsar at the city Aquilei: So when he came to the speech of Cæsar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were able, did their endeavours to shew their hatred to "their own father, and would take away his life, and so ob"tain his kingdom, after the most barbarous manner; that he "had power from Cæsar to dispose of it, not by necessity,

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but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety "towards him, while these my sons are not so desirous of "ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so they may but deprive their father "of his life, so wild and polluted is their mind by time become out of their hatred to him; that whereas he had a "long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled "to lay it before Cæsar, and to pollute his ears with such "language, while he himself wants to know what severity "they have ever suffered from him? or what hardships he "hath ever laid upon them to make them complain of him?

and how they can think it just that he should not be lord "of that kingdom, which he in a long time, and with great dangers had gained, and not allow him to keep it and to dispose of it to him who should deserve best? and this with "other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of "such an one as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of it, and that such an one may gain so great a requital as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pre"tend to meddle with it before-hand, for he who hath ever "the kingdom in his view, at the same time he reckons up"on procuring the death of his father, because otherwise he cannot come at the government; that as for himself, he "had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority,

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Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was this accusation of his sons deferred till they came to Rome, as § 3. assures us, and as we are particularly informed in the history of the War, B. I. ch. xxiii. sect 3. vol. II. though what he here says belonged distinctly to Alexander the elder brother, I mean bis being brought to Rome, is here justly extended to both the brothers, and that not only in our copies, but that in Zonaras also: nor is there reason to doubt but they were both at this solemn hearing by Augustus, although the defence were made by Alexander alone, who was the elder brother, and one that could speak very well.

"and the sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into the "most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sis"ter's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king Ar"chelaus: and what was the greatest favour of all, when "their crimes were so very bad, and he bad authority to pu"nish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, "but had brought them before Cæsar their common bene"factor, and had not used the severity which either as a fa"ther who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had "been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, he made "them stand upon the level with him in judgment; that, "however, it was necessary that all this should not be passed "over without punishment, nor himself live in the greatest "fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to see "the light of the sun after what they had done, although "they should escape at this time, since they had done the "vilest things, and would certainly suffer the greatest pu"nishments that ever were known among mankind.”

2. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency against his sons before Cæsar. Now, the young men, both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now, as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience they were innocent, but because they were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them to make their apology, since, though they were at liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet it was not now decent so to do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak, and tears, and at length a deep groan followed, while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt, nor had they any defence ready, by reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Cæsar unapprised, when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay to make their defence did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular, and they moved their father's affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.

3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him and in Cæsar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said, " O father, the

"benevolence thou hast shewed to us is evident, even in "this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any perni"cious intentions about us thou hadst not produced us here "before the common saviour of all, for it was in thy power, "both as a king, and as a father, to punish the guilty, but "by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Cæsar himself a "witness to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intend"est to save us, for no one that hath a design to slay a man "will bring him to the temples, and to the altars; yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live "ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured "such a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live "with this suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, "than to die without such guilt: And if our open defence "may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in paci"fying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in, but if "this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this day; which why should we see, "if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy to say "of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say far"ther, that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy "mother. This is abundantly sufficient to produce our present "misfortune out of the former: but consider well, whether "such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and "may not be said of them all promiscuously? for nothing can "hinder him that reigns, if he have children, and their mo"ther be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon all "his sons, as intending some treachery to him: but a suspi"cion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. "Now let any man say, whether we have actually and inso"lently attempted any such thing, whereby actions other"wise incredible used to be made credible? Can any body << prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters "written against thee? though indeed there are none of those "things but have sometimes been pretended by way of ca"lumny, when they were never done; for a royal family "that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that "which thou callest a reward of piety, often becomes,

among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope, as "makes them leave no sort of mischief untried: Nor does "any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to "calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, "who will not hear what we have to say? Have we talked "with too great freedom? yés, but not against thee, for that "would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented