the clergy, as should refuse the service or officiate in any other manner, to forfeitures and imprisonment; and, for the third offence, to imprisonment for life. Whoever should write or print against the book were to be fined £10 for the first offence; £20 for the second; and to be imprisoned for life for the third. The Council immediately appointed Visitors, to see that the Liturgy was received throughout England. Neal, Hist. Puritans, i. 50, 51.

Although the era of the Puritans commenced in the reign of Edward VI; yet that pious young prince very soon after began an ecclesiastical reformation. Had he lived to perfect it according to his intentions, the Puritans would probably have been satisfied. But he died in 1553, at the early age of XVI; and was succeeded by queen Mary, a bigoted papist, under whose administration John Rogers, of pious memory, was burnt at Smithfield, and bishop Hooper, with other pious reformers, suffered martyrdom. On the accession of queen Elizabeth, the reformation, which had been begun by Edward, was, in some degree, restored; but that illustrious queen, addicted to show, and jealous of prerogative, soon made the Puritans feel the weight of her royal power. Bishops and other clergymen were deprived, for refusing the oath to the queen's supremacy. At length (31 Jan. 1563) the Convocation of the English clergy met, and finished the XXXIX Articles. Of the lower house, 43 present were for throwing out the ceremonies, but 35 were for keeping them; and these, with the help of proxies, carried their measure by one vote. The bishops now began to urge the clergy to subscribe to the Liturgy and ceremonies, as well as to the Articles. Coverdale, Fox, Humfrey, and others, refused to subscribe; and this was the epoch of NONCONFORMITY. What hard treatment the Puritan Reformers received under the succeeding administrations of James I. and of his successors, until the Revolution of William and Mary, is well known. As authorities, that confirm this Note, and give full information on the subject, the reader is referred to Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England, Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, Prince's Chronology, and especially Neal's History of the Puritans.

NOTE XIV. p. 83.

SOME historians entirely overlook this temporary settlement of the French in the English Carolina; others confound it with the settlement at St. Matheo, a few leagues north of St. Augustine. Not one of them has ascertained the place of it, with precision. Chalmers says, Ribault built Fort Charles on the river Edisto. The authors of the Universal History say, it was built on the river St. Croix, which, indeed, Charlevoix says, was the Spanish name of Edisto river. Charlevoix says, Ribault's Fort stood near the place where Charlestown, the capital of South Carolina, now stands. Mezeray says, it was built “at the end of the Streight at St. Helen's." I wrote, some time since, to Dr. Ramsay, the well known historian, and made inquiry of him respecting this article. The Doctor obligingly wrote to me in reply: "I have taken some pains to inform myself of the place where Ribaud commenced his settlement of French Protestants; but without any satisfactory result. Edisto river, in its nearest part, is about 36 miles from Charleston [60 French leagues. Charlevoix.]; but there is no evidence of any French settlement ever having been made in its vicinity. There is no river in South Carolina, known by the name of the Shallow or Base river. Mr. Drayton, our late governor, has been consulted on the points, relative to which you wish for information, who assured me, that, while writing his View of South Carolina, he minutely enquired into the very subjects which have perplexed you, and found them so involved in darkness and contradiction, that he did not see his way clear to assert any thing on the subject, more than you will find in the 5th page of his work."

It would not become me to be positive on a subject, that is attended with such acknowledged difficulties, and that has baffled such intelligent inquiries. I am satsified, however, that neither the latitude of the place where the fort was built, nor its distance from the river of May, will allow us to fix it so far north, as the river Edisto. It appears clearly to have been on an island up Port Royal river, in about the latitude of 32 deg. It seems probable, that it was the

island of St. Helena, or some island in its vicinity. Mezeray's account seems to fix it there. Charlevoix, in his Map of the Coasts of Florida, has placed it in that quarter, though, I apprehend, too far north, at an island toward the mouth of Edisto. It is asserted on the face of the map: "Dans cette Isle Ribault bâtit petit Fort, et le nomma Charles Fort." There is one additional confirmation of the probable truth of my conjecture, concerning the place of that fort. When Ribault had " sailed about 15 leagues" from Port Royal river, he found another, which "had not past halfe a fathome water in the mouth there. of." This he called Base or Shallow river. Governor Drayton [p. 34.] says, "Edisto is shallow and incapable of being navigated far up its stream by boats of heavy burden;" and, though he describes the numerous rivers of Carolina, this is the only one which he calls shallow. Hence I conjecture, that the Edisto of the English is the Base or Shallow river of the French. If so, Fort Charles must have been about 15 leagues from it; and that is about the distance of St. Helena from the Edisto. The river of May, discovered by Ribault, was afterwards named by the Spaniards St. Matheo [Chalmers, 513.], but is now called St. John's river. Some suppose this to have been what is now called St. Mary's river, which lately formed part of the southern boundary line of the United States, and is now the boundary between Georgia and Florida; but from Laudonniere's account I should conclude it was the St. John's. "Hee [Ribault] arrived in Florida, landing near a Cape or Promontorie, which he called St. François in honour of our France. This Cape is distant from the equator thirtie degrees. Coasting from this place towards the North, he discovered a very faire and great river, which gave him occasion to cast anker, that he might search the same. The day following he caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde river, and not farre from the mouth of the same upon a little sandie knappe, in which pillar the Armes of France were carved and engraved. We called this river The River of May, because we discovered it the first day of the sayde month." In coasting northward from lat. 30° Ribault could hardly have passed by St. John's river, a broad, navigable stream, without noticing it. Hawkins, who visited the French settlement on the river of May in 1565, found it "standing in thirtie degrees and better," which latitude perfectly agrees with that of the mouth of St. Johns. The "nine other rivers," discovered by Ribault, were named by the French:

I know that Charlevoix, in his map of French Florida, puts the Alatamaha for the Seine; the Ogeechee for the Charente; and the Savannah for the Garonne. He may be correct; but his map, having some inaccuracies, is not here quite satisfactory. In regard, however, to the streams corresponding to the French names, I pretend to nothing more than conjecture.

Dr. Belknap erroneously supposed Port Royal river to be the same as the river of May. "Ribault," he says, "named the river May, and the entrance he called Port Royal." He accordingly fixed Ribault's company and Fort Charles at the river of May; and says, "Laudoniere renewed the settlement and called the country Carolina, after the reigning monarch of France." Amer. Biog. i. 36. But the original accounts of this voyage of Ribault, and of the subsequent voyage of Laudonniere in 1564, prove, that they were two distinct rivers, and widely distant from each other. The French settlement on the river of May was in about 30° north latitude; but Fort Charles, built by Ribault at Port Royal river, was in latitude 32°.

Much error and confusion would have been avoided by historians, had they but carefully observed the traverse sailing of Laudonniere: "Wee sayled [from

the river of May] toward the river of Seine, distant from the river of May about foure leagues and there continuing our course towarde the North, wee arrived at the mouth of Somme, which is not past sixe leagues distant from the river of Seine, where we cast anker, and went on shoare." Here the company consulted together respecting the place, which they should choose for "planting their habitation ;" whether toward the Cape of Florida, or at Port Royal." If wee passed farther toward the North to seeke out Port Royall, it would be neither very profitable nor convenient; although the haven were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that in this case the question was not so much of the beautie of the place, as of things necessary to sustaine life. And that for our inhabiting it was more needefull for us to plant in places plentifull of victuall, that in goodly Havens, faire, deepe, and pleasant to the view." The conclusion was, "That it was expedient to seate themselves rather on the River of May than on any other, until they might heare newes out of France." Laudonniere's Voyages, written by himself, preserved in Hakluyt, iii. 319–329. Purchas, i. 770; v. 1603, 1604. Theodore de Bry, P. iii. Lescarbot, liv. 1. c. 8. Charlevoix, Nouv. France, i. 35-40. Univ. Hist. xl. 395, 396, 419. Europ. Settlements, ii. 235. Laudonniere says, Fort Caroline stood not above two leagues distance from the mouth of the river of May. The English writers in general mistake, in supposing Fort Caroline to have been built in the English Carolina. It was built in the French and Spanish Florida. It has, doubtless, been confounded with Fort Charles. See A. D. 1562. The original maps in De Bry, who was a contemporary, confirm the statements which I had collected from the narratives of the voyager.

Du Pratz egregiously errs, when he affirms, that the ruins of the Fort Caroline, built by Laudonniere, are visible near Pensacola. Hist. Louisiane, i. 3. Since the first edition, in which I used only the original work of Du Pratz, I have observed that the English translator makes the same stricture on his author: "This intended settlement of Admiral Coligni was on the east coast of Florida, about St. Augustin, instead of Pensacola. De Laet is of opinion, that their Fort Carolin was the same with St. Augustin."

That the St. Helena, or St. Helens, near which the Charles Fort of Ribault stood, was the same as that visited perfidiously by Vasquez in 1524, is confirmed by Cardenas, Hist. Florida, apud A. D. 1562. "Chicora, que despues se llamo Santa Elena, que tantos Años antes avia visto, y hollado (aunque sin vintura) Lucaz Vasquez de Ayllon."

NOTE XV. p. 87.

Or the perfidy of Melendes towards the French at Florida, and of his suicide, Grotius gives the following account. "Eadem tempestate [1575] Petrus Melendes Cantaber, Floridæ victor, sed insigni in Gallos perfidia, apud suos etiam infamis, cum res Americanas Batavicis parum sapienter comparet, Brilam se aliosque portus obsequio redditurum jactabat; et jam parata classe missa in Angliam legatio, quæ littus et hospitium, si eo venti adigerent, oraret impetraretque. Sed subita morbi luës nautas disjecit, et dux ipse edoctus pollicitationes vanitatem, pudore ut creditum, aut metu vitam finiit." Annales, 63, 64, and Index. Cardenas, who has preserved the Epitaph of Melendes, says, he died at Santander 17 September, 1574, at the age of 55 years.

The reason assigned by Mezeray, why the government of France did not revenge this massacre is, That the king's council was half Spanish. Thuanus ascribes this neglect to factions at court, or the king's contempt or hatred of the Protestants, and of Coligny, the projector of the settlement at Florida. "Eas clades Gallis, sive a fortuna sive ab Hispanis inflictas, cum scissa factionibus aula, rex aut contempsisset, aut odio Protestantium, quales fere cuncti illi erant qui, Ribaldo et Laudonerio ducibus, in Floridam navigaverant, atque adeo ipsius Colinii, cujus consilio suscepta expeditio erat . . ." The Protestants of France were soon after deprived of their leader and protector. Admiral Coligny, who, to his very last breath, continued their zealous and devoted friend and patron, was assassinated in the beginning of the massacre of Paris, 24 August, 1571, commonly called, 'The massacre of St. Bartholomew.' See Life of Coligny,

in Le Plutarque Français, the French historians, and a Memoir of the French Protestants in 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Society, ii. 7. He is thus panegyrized in the Henriade:

Coligni, plus heureux et plus digne d'envie

Du moins, en succombant, ne perdit que la vie ;
Sa liberté, sa glorie au tombeau le suivit.

Gourgues, 1568.

The character given of Gourgues in De Bry is:-"non minus intrepidus Capitanus quam nauta peritus, Hispanis formidabilis, Reginæ verò Anglica ob virtutum suarum meritum expetendus." Thuanus says, he had distinguished himself by his bravery in the Etruscan war, but being at length taken by the Spaniards, and basely confined to the oar, he conceived so great a hatred to the Spaniards, that he solemnly bound himself by an oath, that, whenever he should find an occasion, he would avenge the injury. This historian says, Gourgues did not disclose his object to his companions until he arrived at Cuba: ibique consilium suum sociis hactenus celatum aperit; et obtestatur, ne se in tali occasione, quæ ad Gallici nominis decus pertineret, desererent." Having taken an oath to be faithful to him, they with the utmost ardour, and without waiting for the full moon, pass happily through the Bahama Strait, a perilous passage at that season, and arrive at the mouth of the river of May. [1567.]

NOTE XVI. p. 104.

THE "good mine," which the Virginia colonists hoped "by the goodness of God" to discover, was by his goodness concealed from them, and happily lay concealed for more than two centuries. The settlers were hence led to fell the forests, and cultivate the soil, and to acquire from the surface more valuable treasures than they would have found beneath it. There was gold there. "Native gold has been discovered on the streams of Cabarrus county, North Carolina. A single piece was found, which originally weighed 281bs.; after it was melted down at the mint, it weighed 25lbs. and was 23 carats fine." Seybert, Statist. Annals, A. D. 1818. This account was confirmed to me by Dr. Robinson, who resided many years in North Carolina, and who permitted me to copy an article from a letter which he had lately received from Professor Olmstead of the University of North Carolina, giving the result of "a geologieal excursion to our Gold Coast" in June, 1824. "NATIVE GOLD. Found in the counties of Cabarrus, Montgomery, and Anson, chiefly in the tributaries of Yadkin and Rocky rivers, and in the bed of the latter-In a horizontal deposit of gravel and clay-in pieces of various size, from small grains to a mass weighing 28lbs. . . . The foregoing deposit covers an area of at least 1000 square miles. From 1810 to 1820, about 19,000 dollars received at the mint."— Dr. Robinson was the author of "A Catalogue of American Minerals, with their Localities," printed in 1825 at Cambridge, where he resided at the time of its publication. It was the same worthy man (since deceased) who gave the description of the Red Sandstone slab at the tomb of lady Butler, p. 254 (there misnamed), whose name and title were, "Samuel Robinson, M. D. Member of the American Geological Society."

NOTE XVII. p. 104.

CAMDEN, referring to the adventurers to Virginia under Lane, who returned to England this year with Sir Francis Drake, says, "Et hi reduces Indicam illam plantam quam Tabaccam vocant & Nicotiam, qua contrà cruditates, ab Indis edocti, usi erant, in Angliam primi, quod sciam, intulerunt. Ex illo sanè tempore usu cepit esse creberrimo, & magno pretio, dum quàmplurimi graveolentem illius fumum, alii lascivientes, alii valetudini consulentes, per tubulum 72

VOL. I.

testaceum inexplebili aviditate passim hauriunt et mox è naribus efflant; adeò ut taberna Tabaccanæ non minùs quam cervisiariæ et vinariæ passim per oppida habeantur." Annales Eliz. apud annum MDLXXXV. Oldys [Life Ralegh, 31.] says, the colonists under Lane carried over tobacco "doubtless according to the instructions they had received of their proprietor; for the introduction among us of that commodity is generally ascribed to Ralegh himself." I do not call this the introduction of tobacco into England; because in Stow's Chronicle [p. 1038], it is asserted, that Sir John Hawkins carried it thither first in the year 1565. But it was then considered as a mere drug, and that Chronicle tells us, "all men wondered what it meant." In Hawkins' voyage of 1565 [Hakluyt, i. 541.] we find the following description of the use of tobacco in Florida. "The Floridians when they travele have a kinde of herbe dryed, which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, do sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger." After this particular notice of tobacco in Florida, Hawkins probably carried a specimen of it to England, as a curiosity. This singular plant appears to have been used by the natives in all parts of America. In the account of Cartier's voyage in 1535, we find it used in Canada. "There groweth a certaine kind of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make great provision for all the yeere, making great account of it, and onely men use of it, and first they cause it to be dried in the sunne, then weare it about their neckes wrapped in a little beastes skinne made like a little bagge, with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe: then when they please they make pouder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the said cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire upon it, at the other ende sucke so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it commeth out of their mouth and nostrils, even as out of the tonnell of a chimney." Hakluyt, iii. 224. It was used copiously in Mexico, where the natives took it, not only in smoke at the mouth, but also in snuff at the nose. "In order to smoke it, they put the leaves with the gum of liquid amber, and other hot and odorous herbs, into a little pipe of wood or reed, or some other more valuable substance. They received the smoke by sucking the pipe and shutting the nostrils with their fingers, so that it might pass by the breath more easily towards the lungs." It was such a luxury, that the lords of Mexico were accustomed to compose themselves to sleep with it. Clavigero [i. 439.] says, "Tobacco is a name taken from the Haitine language."

NOTE XVIII. p. 106.

MANTEO and Wanchese accompanied Barlow to England in 1584, and returned to Virginia with governor Lane and Sir Richard Greenville in 1585.-It has been thought that Manteo could not come over with governor White in 1587; but of the fact no one can doubt, after seeing the original account of the voyage. Both accounts may be true; for Manteo may have gone a second time to England, and returned afterward with White. The Journal of Greenville's voyage renders this probable; for it says that Manteo "came aboord the Admirall” a short time before Greenville's return to England in August, 1585. Mr. Bozman [Hist. Maryland, 91.] erred with other writers in supposing that "Manteo came to captain White's colony, on their first arrival, 1587, and gave them some information of the loss of the fifteen men left by Greenville." Soon after the arrival of the second colony at "Hatoraska" in 1587, the Journal says, that "Master Stafford and 20 of our men passed by water to the island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother and many of his kinred dwelling in that Island, of whom wee hoped to understand some newes of our fifteene men;" that "Manteo, their country man, called to them in their owne language;" and that what they did learn respecting the 15 men, they "understood of the men of Croatoan." Hakluyt.