nomarch Intef, who of course should head the line; but he was not included in the Turin Papyrus. 418. We thus obtain seven names in the dynasty, as the Turin Papyrus prescribes. As four of these are Mentuhoteps, we have another proof that there were not more than three Intefs in the Eleventh Dynasty. structed, the dynasty is as follows: Horus-Wahenekh-Intef I Horus-Nakhtneb-Tepnefer-Intef II Nibhotep-Mentuhotep I Intef III (Shatt er-Regâl)d Nibkhrure-Mentuhotep II Senekhkere-Mentuhotep III Nibtowere-Mentuhotep IV Total Thus recon Years 50° (+x) 8 8 8 46e (+x) 28 (+x) 126 (+x) As the Turin Papyrus gives at least 160 years to the dynasty, we have at least 34 years to be distributed among the seven above x's. aAs in the erratic Karnak list, Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, I: better in Zwölfte Dynastie; Prisse, Monuments, I; Burton, Excerpta hieroglyphica, I. The publications are all very inaccurate; Prisse being probably the best. I had my own copy of the original in the Bibliothèque Nationale. That there may have been a series of Theban kings preceding the list of the dynasty as given in the Turin Papyrus, is perhaps probable, in view of the Intefs and the Mentuhotep who follow the nomarch Intef in the Karnak list. bSteindorff has shown that we have contemporary monuments from only three Intefs before the Twelfth Dynasty (besides the nomarch, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1895, 77-96). No one without preconceived opinions will appeal to the Karnak list to prove that the Intefs all ruled before the Twelfth Dynasty. If we are to depend on the Karnak list, then Sesostris I ruled immediately before or after the Seventeenth Dynasty! And such absurdities abound in this list. But accepting this preposterous list as usable, we find that it puts Nb-hpr (w)-Rec, Intef either just before or just after the Seventeenth Dynasty. Hence Petrie's statement (History of Egypt, I, 5th ed., xxi) that "the ancient lists are entirely against" the above arrangement of the Intefs must be rejected. All the other evidence, moreover, is in favor of dividing the Intefs into two groups. CI, 423. dEduard Meyer writes me that he would not include this vassal king in the dynasty, but would gain the seven kings demanded by the Turin Papyrus, by inserting a Mentuhotep before Intef I, as in the Karnak list. This would give us five Mentuhoteps, thus: Mentuhotep I, two Intefs and four Mentuhoteps in succession; but the value of the erratic Karnak list seems to me very dubious. eTurin Stela of Meru, No. 1447, Cat. I, 117. f His highest date is the year 8; his successor celebrated a Sed Jubilee in his second year, and must therefore have been appointed crown prince 30 years earlier by Mentuhotep III, who thus reigned at least 28 years. 8I, 435. THE NOMARCH, INTEF MORTUARY STELAa 419. The Karnak list places as first of the Intefs a nomarch, without royal title. He is the founder of the Theban line, and is so recognized by Sesostris I, who dedicated a statue to him in Karnak with the inscription: "The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Kheperkere (Sesostris I); he made it as his monument for his father, the hereditary prince (rpty), Intejo, . . born of Ikui (Ykwy).”₫ The following mortuary stela probably belonged to him. 420. At the top is a three-line inscription, beginning with the usual mortuary formula, for the benefit of The hereditary prince, count, great lord of the Theban nome, satisfying the king as keeper of the Doore of the South, great pillar of him,f who makes his Two Landsf to live, superior prophet,. . . . ... Intef. a Limestone stela, discovered by Mariette, in Drah abu-n-Neggah, now in Cairo, Cat. 20009; also published by him in Monuments Divers, 50, b, and p. 16; also Maspero, Guide, pl. and p. 34; Dawn, 115; Petrie, History of Egypt, I, 126. bLepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, I. (See § 417, note.) "The family came from Hermonthis, where they were nomarchs. Inscriptions from the tomb of an Intef, one of these nomarchs, are in Copenhagen and Berlin (No 13272; see Lange, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 25–35, and plate). dDiscovered by Legrain, in March, 1899 (Recueil, XXII, 64). The addition of o (), "great," is not found in the royal list of Karnak with the name of the Rpty Intef; but as there is only one rpty in the Karnak list, the two must be identical. eSee Piehl, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1887, 35, and Brugsch, ibid., 1884, 93 f. The title continued from the Sixth Dynasty, into Saite times (IV, 995). fThis participial epithet is usually applied to Intef, but this is impossible; for Intef, who acknowledges a king in the phrase, “satisfying the king," cannot speak of himself, a mere nomarch, as "making his two lands live." Nor can "two lands," so commonly in parallelism with the title “King of Upper and Lower Egypt," be made to mean the two shores of the river in Intef's nome. Compare, e. g., § 441, 1. 8. Ś‹nh-twy is an epithet, like 'mnh-sw, designating the king. It is in excellent parallelism with "king," and indeed serves as king Senekhkere's Horus-name. This Intef therefore ruled before the rebellion against the North, and the "king" referred to is an Heracleopolitan. REIGN OF HORUS-WAHENEKH-INTEF I ROYAL TOMB STELA a 421. This is the stela referred to in the remarkable passage in the Papyrus Abbott (IV, 514), where it is described as bearing a figure of the king standing with one of his dogs. The name of the dog given in the papyrus, Behka, is still preserved on the stela. It is a Berber name, and the stela accompanies it with a translation into Egyptian. The king stands on the right with his five dogs; before him were seven columns of inscription, of which only the lower half is preserved. The first two lines were occupied with an account of the king's good works for the gods; among these we may discern the following: I filled his (Amon's) temple with august vases, in order to offer libations. I built their temples, wrought their stairways, restored their gates, established their divine offerings for all eternity. I found] aLower portion of a large limestone stela, now about 80 cm. high and 130 cm. wide; now in Cairo, No. 20512. It was discovered in 1860, by Mariette, in the brick pyramid of Intef II, at Drah abu-'n-Neggah (Thebes). After making an incomplete and inaccurate copy, Mariette left the stela where he found it, to be taken by a fellah, twenty years later, and broken up for use in a sâkieh. Two years later some of the fragments were rescued with much difficulty by Maspero, and installed at Bulâq (now Cairo; cf. Guide du Visiteur, 67, and Mariette, Monuments divers, Texte, 15; Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, IV, 193, 194). Apparently no search has ever been made on the spot for the upper portion, already lacking in Mariette's time. His copy was published in Monuments divers, 49 (p. 15 also); another copy by E. de Rougé (Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques, 161, 162). I have collated these with a careful copy of the original in Schaefer's manuscript of the Cairo catalogue. bOn the Berber name of one of these dogs, see Maspero, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, V, 127, and Etudes de mythologie et d'archéologie, III, 331). The others also bore foreign names, and the ancient scribe has appended a translation to each. Daressy (Recueil, XI, 79, 80) found a fifth dog; Basset (Sphinx, I, 87-92) admits a second name as possibly Berber; see also Birch, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, IV, 172-86. Finally, Maspero explains another name as Berber (Recueil, XXI, 136). 422. The statement of his good works is followed by a narrative of his conquest of territory on his northern frontier. He does not state against whom he contended, but it is of course against the Heracleopolitans, defended by the princes of Siut (see § 391). It is the only distinct reference in the Eleventh Dynasty inscriptions to the geographical location of the northern enemy in the civil wars which raged between North (Heracleopolis) and South (Thebes) for at least several generations before the overthrow of the Heracleopolitans. a 423. 3. her northern boundary as far as the nome of Aphroditopolis. I drove in the mooring-stakeb in the sacred valley, I captured the entire Thinite nome, I opened all her fortresses, I made her the Door of the North.c like a flood, great in possessions, like a sea, splendid for the glory of Thebes (nwt), great for the [———of this land, which I myself have bequeathed to my son,d 1 5. There is no lie that has come forth from my mouth, there is no word like that which I have spoken. There was no violence for one (dwelling) upon his -e for one in possession of his paternal property, nor them forever and ever. sandy land, nor 6 Year 50, when this stela was set up - by Horus, Wahenekh (Wh-nh), King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Son of Re, In[tef], the great (Yn[tf-]).£ aRead the serpent and feather. That this is the proper reading is rendered almost certain by the connected data. King Intef is here speaking of the establishment of his northern boundary. The inscription of Intefoker (§§ 529 ff.) shows that he ruled as far north as Akhmim, which is directly across the river from the nome of Aphroditopolis, and the latter is just north of the Thinite nome. bThis simply means "I landed," as in § 612, 1. 14; and Papyrus Ebers, 58, 9. Cf. Sethe, Verbum, I, 257. This is parallel with the phrase "Door of the South" applied to Elephantine. Thus the Aphroditopolite nome under this Intef occupied the same frontier position in the North as the region of the first cataract in the South (see § 396, 1. 18, note). I have retained the gender of the pronouns to show this; the Thinite nome is masculine. dThis is corroborated by the treasurer Thethi (§ 423G). *Partially broken out; read cḥ; it is evidently a synonym of the first word ( with determinative of bowstring), rendered "violence," with which it is parallel. This is the proper reading of the name as shown by 1. 7, where it occurs as above restored, preceded by the same Horus-name. REIGN OF HORUS-NAKHTNEB-TEPNEFER b INTEF II STELA OF THETHIa 423A. This new and important document contains the autobiography of Thethi, the chief treasurer of Intef I and II. It is the first document from the Eleventh Dynasty clearly narrating the succession of the kingship from father to son, and it also places for us the Horus-name of Intef II for the first time. Besides these facts it also gives us the northern and southern boundaries of Intef I's kingdom, although the southern limit given cannot be identified with certainty as yet. The northern boundary is given as Thinis, corroborating Intef I's tomb stela (§ 423); but as Thethi's stela was made after Intef I's death, it is evident that this king never reigned north of that point. The account of Thethi's appointment and duties is also of the greatest interest. Introduction 423B. [Live] Horus: Wahenekh; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Son of Re, Intef (I), fashioner of beauty, living like Re forever. Thethi's Titles 423C. His real and favorite servant, having an advanced seat in the house of his lord, great and favorite official, knowing the private aStela seen by G. C. Pier in the hands of a native dealer in 1903. Mr. Pier was able to make only a hurried copy, which he published in the American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, April, 1905, 159 ff. The text is in places, therefore, still uncertain. The following translation was also first published, ibid., 163 ff. bBut see 423, 1. 4. cIn my publication of the text, I overlooked the earlier occurrence of this Intef's Horus-name on a stela at Abydos (Mariette, Catalogue d'Abydos, 96, No. 544). |