INSCRIPTION OF NESSUMONTUa

4"

469. The stela is dated at the top in the "year of Amenemhet I, and adds the titulary of Sesostris I. As Sesostris I was associated with his father in the twentieth year of the latter, we must restore the above date as "year 24."

470. The stela contains the conventional mortuary texts and representations, but in the lower right-hand corner adds nine short columns of historical content: showing that Nessumontu led expeditions against the Bedwin ("Sanddwellers") and other Asiatics at the north end of Egypt's eastern frontier.

471. 'Respecting [every] word of this tablet, it is truth, which happened by my arm, it is that which I did in 3reality. There is no deceit, and there is no lie therein. 41'defeated the Asiatic Troglodytes, the Sand-5dwellers. I overthrew the 'strongholdsd] of the nomads", as if they had never been. I coursede through the field, I went

aStela in Louvre (C1); the top lines containing the date are published by Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, 10, and Lepsius, Zwölfte Dynastie, II, 3. The entire text: Maspero in Report of First International Congress of Orientalists at Paris, 1873, II, 48–61, and again in Maspero, Études de mythologie et d'archéologie, III, 153-64; Pierret, Inscriptions, 2, 27; Gayet, Stèles, I. All these are inaccurate. A good text is given by Piehl, Inscriptions, I, I-II, but he unfortunately overlooked the nine lines of historical text and copied them from Maspero. Brugsch (Thesaurus, VI, 1467) copied them from Pierret. These nine lines alone have been carefully given by Müller (Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung, 1900, 47– 48), who, however, does not consider his copy "einen völlig abschliessenden Text." I therefore carefully copied and collated the original (in January, 1901, for the Berlin Dictionary) under excellent light, which insured some additional readings, and it is probable that my text may be regarded as final. I have since published it, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, XXI, 153 ff. Müller also gives a translation, from which mine differs in several places, but is indebted to him for several suggestions.

bIt is unfortunately only this important corner of the stela which is badly broken and weathered, seriously mutilating the text.

cYr(y)t'n'y pw m wn'm><

dThe word cannot be hn, "tent," as Müller suggests, for it ended in feminine t, while hn, "tent," is masculine, as shown by Harkhuf, Letter, 1. 20. The feminine form cited by Müller from the Israel stela is not "tent,” but “water skin” (hn't). I connect our word with hn't, “prison.”

eRead ns; see Müller, Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung, III, 433.

forth before those who were behind their defenses, without [my] equal therein,a 9by command of Montu, to him who followed the plan of -.

INSCRIPTION OF KORUSKOb

472. The Nubian conquests of the Twelfth Dynasty, were already begun by Amenemhet I, and the place where the following inscription was discovered, over half-way up to the second cataract, indicates that the statement in the king's "Teaching" (§ 483) is trustworthy.

473. Year 29, of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehetepibre (Ship-yb-R, Amenemhet I), living forever. We came to overthrow Wawat

THE TEACHING OF AMENEMHET

474. This composition purports to be the practical injunctions of the old king, Amenemhet I, to his son and coregent, Sesostris I. Maspero thinks they were posthu

aNn sn'y ym.

bCut on a rock at the entrance of the valley road leading from Korusko to Abu Hamed. It was discovered by Dr. Lüttge in 1875, and by him shown to Brugsch (Geschichte, 117, 118), who published it seven years later, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1882, 30; and in Thesaurus, V, 1213.

Maspero's statement (Dawn, 478, n. 2) that this inscription belongs to the "XXXth year" must be an oversight.

dThe text is preserved in seven hieratic manuscripts of the Empire, mostly incomplete, as follows:

1. Millingen Papyrus (original lost), published from copy of Peyron, by Maspero, Recueil, II, 70, and XVII, 64.

2. Papyrus Sallier, II, 1-3, British Museum.

3. Papyrus Sallier, I, 8, Verso (= Millingen, I, II, 1).

4. Ostracon, British Museum, 5623 (=Millingen, I, II, 6).

5. Ostracon, British Museum, 5638 (=Millingen, II, 5-11); Dümichen, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1874, 30 ff.

6. Papyrus, Berlin, 3019 (Milligen, I, 9 to II, 11).

7. Leather Manuscript Louvre, 4920, "now completely spoiled." "All these appear to be of about one period, perhaps from the end of the reign of Ramses II to the reign of Seti II" (Griffith, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 36; Millingen

a

mous, but Griffith does not agree.b It can hardly be doubted that the composition is a work of the Twelfth Dynasty, and there is no serious reason why it should not be attributed to the old king, whose "teaching" the introduction distinctly states it is. Griffith regards the occasion of the work as the attempt on his life when the king determines "to announce his son's succession in a formal manner." This would date the work from the beginning of the coregency in the twentieth year of Amenemhet I. There is a reference in the document, however, which would indicate a later date. In III, 2, the king speaks of his campaign against Nubia. Now, the only campaign of Amenemhet I in Nubia known to us was in his twenty-ninth year (§ 473). This reference, therefore, would date the work not long before the king's death in his thirtieth year, and is an indication that we have in it his final instructions to his son.

475. Its chief purpose was to warn the young Sesostris against any confidences or intimate associations with those about him. To enforce this warning, the old king dwells on the kindness and beneficence, the order and prosperity, of his reign; in contrast with which he bitterly depicts the treachery and ingratitude which have been his reward. There is an element of pathos in these words of the old man, which do not fail of their effect even after nearly four thousand years.

may be later), and are in a frightful state of corruption. The best manuscript, Millingen, is unfortunately incomplete, almost all of the third page being lost. The latest and best treatment and text, employing all the manuscripts, are by Griffith (Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 35-49), from whom the above statement of materials is taken. An excellent translation of the clearer passages by Erman also in Aus den Papyrus des königlichen Museums zu Berlin, 44, 45. To both these the present version is much indebted. The older "translations" are very free paraphrases; for bibliography of them, see Maspero, Dawn, 467, n. 2. bZeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 38.

a Dawn, 466.

cAn earlier campaign is not impossible, but remains an assumption.

476. The composition is in poetic form, and the lines are separated as usual in the New Kingdom by a dot at the end of each line. It must have been a favorite composition, to judge from the number of manuscripts which have survived. They are all, however, so excessively corrupt that much is unintelligible, and has been omitted in the version below.

477. Whether the historical statements in the document are authentic or not, there is no reason to doubt their truth; on the contrary, all but the attempt upon the king's life are corroborated by conclusive external evidence. These statements, in the order of their occurrence, are as follows: (1) the attempt on the king's life (I, 11-II, 4); (2) Sesostris I's coregency (II, 5, 6); (3) the king's reorganization of Egypt (II, 10, 11); (4) the agricultural prosperity (II, 11—III, 1); (5) foreign conquests in Nubia and among the Bedwin (III, 2, 3); (6) building of a palace (III, 2-6). There seems to be no chronological order in this enumeration, for the reorganization of the country took place in the first years, long before the coregency. It is fair to conclude, however, that the attempt on the king's life was the cause of the association of Sesostris on the throne.

478. I. b1Beginning with the teaching, which the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt; Sehetepibre, Son of Re: Amenemhet (I) triumphant, composed.

He saith, while distinguishing truth,

For his son, the All-Lord;

He saith: "Shine as a god!

Hearken to that which I say to thee,
That thou mayest be king of the earth,
That thou mayest be ruler of 3the lands,

The paragraph division, retained in the accompanying translation, is also indicated by rubrics.

bNumbering of pages (Roman numerals) and lines (Arabic numerals) rom Papyrus Millingen, after Griffith.

That thou mayest increase good.

479. "Harden' thyself against all subordinates.

The people give heed 4to him who terrorizes them;a
Approach them not alone.

Fill not thy heart with a brother,

Know not a friend,

Nor make 5for thyself intimates,

Wherein there is no end.

When thou sleepest, guard for thyself thine own heart;

For a man has no people,

In the day of evil.

I gave to the beggar, I nourished the orphan;

I admitted the insignificant as well as him who was great of account.b

(But) he who ate my food made insurrection,

He, to whom I gave my hand, aroused fear therein;

They who put on my fine linen looked upon me as [—].

They who anointed themselves with my myrrh, 'defiled ꞌme1¤—]

10

480. It was after the evening meal, night had come.

I took 12an hour of heart's ease.

Lying upon my couch, I relaxed;

II 'My heart began to follow slumber. 'Behold, weapons were flourished, Council was held against me,1

'While I was like a serpent of 'the desert."

I awoke to fight, utterly alone.

3

As I quickly grasped the weapons in my hand,

I hurled back the wretches . . . .

aBut see Gardiner's careful grammatical analysis of this line (Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 24, 353 f.). He renders: "That cometh to pass, to whose terrors no thought has been given." This is grammatically better than the above rendering, although it does not fit either the preceding or following

context.

bLit.: "him who was not, as well as him who was." Compare the saying of the unjust official: "The name of a poor man is mentioned, by reason of his lord" (Eloquent Peasant, Berlin, 3023, 1. 20).