language itself." It enjoyed an immense popularity for twenty years and more after its appearance, and even when in the eyes of the early nineteenth-century world it was eclipsed by Scott's northern troopers and Byron's romantic pirates, hundreds of the sober, reliable, middle-class Englishmen yet read the book by their firesides for a century more. Was it not the vivacious Marianne Dashwood, in Sense and Sensibility, who found it so hard to choose between the rival charms of Cowper and Walter Scott?

To us to-day The Task is most valuable because in it we see that poetry has again become lifelike. Here are emotions, not mere words. It may lack passion and vitality, but there is no least trace of "classic" affectation in its lines. Certainly it does not betoken a fiery talent, but as surely does it show a talent pure and tender and genuine, the talent of a man who was possessed of an observing eye; a man of personal charm, sweet and human, interested and interesting.

WARWICK JAMES PRICE.

Philadelphia, Pa.

GERMANY AND THE JUDGMENT

I.

"Professor Schönerer writes: 'We are not only men; we are more than men, because we are Germans.' Nobody smiled in Germany, when in 1905 the Kaiser said at Bremen in a public oration: 'We are the salt of the earth. God has called upon us to civilize the world. We are the missionaries of Progress.'"' * This is a tempting text for one who would like to show that the German soul is diseased rather than immoral. Let us use it, rather, to show that the Germans expect to be judged by the highest ethical and spiritual standards. Let us assume the correctness of Germany's good opinion of herself, and examine her conduct in the present world-crisis by means of material as little disputable as the nature of the case allows. We shall then be in a position to have the conscience of mankind decide whether there is really a case against Germany, and can proceed to try her by a jury of her own noblest spirits. Though many of us deplore the average pro-German's inability to see any fault in Germany, even some anti-Germans admit that it is the Germans, so far as official papers and pronouncements and official news are concerned, who, apart from diplomatic secrets, have given us the frankest and most straightforward news items, except perhaps with regard to India and Egypt. Hence with some degree of confidence we may, in the light of their own admissions, examine their case in re the ethics of the war. It may turn out later that the conduct of the Allies with regard to Belgium and Greece will appear to be little if any more ethical than that of the Teutonic powers toward Belgium and Servia.

Thus far, however, the moral balance is heavily against the Germans. It would be absurd, indeed, to decide on that account that the German people and government are less moral than others of the great powers. Doubtless German virtues excel in other directions that are not being discussed just now. And it may well be that the Germans are simply practising con

* Count Goblet D'Alviella, in Hibbert Journal for January, 1916.

sistently and with "improvements," the selfish principles that have determined the policies of the nations for many generations. When no nation is really Christian in its policy and conduct, it ill becomes us to throw all the blame on the Germans. Then, too, the circumstances of German history, fitting in with the peculiarities of German temperament and civilization, render them more open to criticism. Germany has come to her own late in the day. For generations she has had a genuine dread of being set upon by other powers. Perhaps this anxiety was the bottom fact in the formation of the Triple Alliance. Perhaps her nervousness reached greater intensity at the bringing about of the Triple Entente. Phillips Brooks, than whom one can find no fairer witness, noticed Germany's dread of attack from her neighbors as far back as the late seventies and early eighties. We have no right to doubt Germany's sincerity in this matter, nor that she had abundant reasons for perturbation after the formation of the Triple Entente. True, some of her conduct may be interpreted as aggressive; but the bulk of the evidence seems to indicate that she regarded a clash as inevitable and perhaps under the circumstances advisable. No doubt such an attitude predisposed her to "go off half-cocked." But surely it has been a commonplace of European politics that a war was likely to come sooner or later. It seems to me that the armaments were the result of mutual fear and suspicion among the nations rathed than vice versa,—and I am quite unconvinced by the pro-British use of such books as Bernhardi's. The last-named expressed the political attitude of some influential men in Great Britain and France, and of many, perhaps, in Germany; and yet I question if it can be proved that the average German shared his view. Unquestionably German motives should be given the benefit of all reasonable doubt and the judgment of charity. Judge not lest ye be judged, is as true of nations as of individuals.

Nevertheless, it is our solemn duty to examine the ethical admissions of the government that claims to rule the most cultured and Christian people on earth. If Germany has been the victim of a sort of national hysteria, we may sorrow over her condition, but continue to hold her responsible for her acts.

She is as capable of resisting "hysteria" as any other nation is; and she has been lavish with her criticism of "decadent" and "hysterical" France.

There is one kind of partisanship which we must avow in common with great German philosophers, and that is the bias. in favor of the Inviolable Moral Law. However natural we may find German conduct to be in the light of German history and temperament and institutions; however few the stripes the Eternal Judge may administer at the End; however much we may hereafter deprecate the attempt to punish Germany except in requiring reparation such as neutrals deem fair; however strongly some of us would wish to see the negotiations for stable peace started from the position occupied by all the belligerents before the Austrian invasion of Servia;-in fine, whatever allowances we may make for Germans and their consciences, we must strive to measure their admitted conduct by the standard of their own higher viewpoints when they have been humanitarian teachers of the world. Unless Germany can be brought to see her flagrant violation of international morality with regard especially to the three great principles of Equity, Wisdom, and Benevolence, the war will have largely been in vain. After praising Germany extravagantly for a generation it would be absurd for the world to pretend to depreciate her now, and fail to see that moral nearsightedness in Germany may become in large measure a dulling of the vision of international conscience.

II.

Remembering that we are bringing the indictment against Germany because the evidence obtainable indicates greater culpability combined with a claim, in large measure substantiated, to a high degree of culture, and admitting that all the nations are to be regarded as blameworthy, we may set forth the charges quite briefly.

1. Offences Against Wisdom or Ethical Prudence.—Germany's major offence on this account is admitted in her plain statement that she had given her ally a free hand against Servia, though she realized that it might bring on a European war. She was willing to run such risks in order that the Servians should be

punished for an alleged crime on the part of the Servian government against the reigning house of Austria-Hungary. Now it is the height of unwisdom to give any individuals or any nation a free hand, especially when such an attitude makes arbitration almost impossible. Then, too, on the face of the evidence, it looks as if Germany brought her issue with Russia to a sharp determination even when Austria-Hungary showed a disposition toward international discussion of the questions at issue.

The Teutonic Allies were also unwise in attempting to terrorize their enemies. Caring so little for the humanitarian sentiments of neutral nations, they inconsistently appeal to sentiment, against their own previous usage, in their effort to have the United States forbid the exportations of arms and munitions to the Allies.

Once more, Germany and Austria have been foolish in not discouraging, but rather to all appearances encouraging, a disloyal and even destructive attitude on the part of certain German-Americans. Elevating patriotism to the highest, Germany nevertheless seems to tell citizens of the United States that German blood is to count for more than American citizenship. In demanding the recall of Austrian and German diplomatic representatives, our country recognizes this unwisdom, whatever its motive.

2. Offences Against Benevolence or Humanitarian Sentiment.These are multiplied by the Teutonic policy of "Frightfulness." Even if a knowledge of civilized human nature promised success for such a policy—and there has never been such promiseGerman "efficiency" has shown a callous, if not a cynical and cruel, disregard for the amenities of decent warfare. Even if we divide by four the accusations of the Bryce Commission, nothing can rub out the thrice damned spots made by such episodes as the Lusitania and Cavell cases, and German failure to protect the Armenians. Germany has been compelled to take some cognizance of the horror of the civilized world, but she has shown no disposition to disavow actually such atrocities or to punish the offenders. However numerous the Russian atroc