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is for its use. Our employment of our position has rested upon a feeling that long antedated it; that even antedated our ancestors' migration to America. . In America we were dominant; by conferring our activities to America we could be dominant wherever we were active. It is this single and fundamental idea that has impressed itself on the American mind, and has become the touchstone by which public opinion judges all diplomatic questions."

Of the twenty-eight presidents of the United States all except eight have had to deal with matters of major diplomatic importance. Of the twenty facing this necessity none, save Polk, were elected with such an exigency distinctively in mind. None save John Adams may be said to have achieved diplomatic distinction as President. Many, notably Tyler and McKinley, have relied greatly upon their secretaries of state. Yet no secretary of state, unless it be John Hay, has won a lasting recognition. Since the beginning of the Great War we have heard repeatedly that our diplomacy is a by-word among European nations; also that Wilson's task has been unprecedented. The weight of the second statement seems less overwhelming when we read of Lincoln's task in its diplomatic aspects, including Seward, or when we turn back to the problems of Madison, Jefferson, and the elder Adams. As to our diplomatic service it will do the skeptical American good to read of the results obtained by our commissioners at Paris in 1781 and at Ghent in 1814, and of the individual victories won by Benjamin Franklin and by John Hay. In this day when leadership of the first order seems at a premium this characterization of Hay is heartening : “His knowledge of international law, of historical tendencies, and of men was in its combination unsurpassed in his day. He possessed such an Americanism as can exist only when based on a complete knowledge of American development.”

The reader will find in this volume “what has happened,” but let him beware of the mistake that history repeats itself. Some years ago James Harvey Robinson wrote of history as a guide, "not because the past would furnish precedents of conduct, but because our conduct would be based upon a perfect knowledge of existing conditions founded upon perfect knowledge of the

past." This book gives us background. We must look elsewhere for an analysis of present conditions, and, fortunately, we need not look in vain.



New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. ix+474, $2.50.

This volume is in a sense a continuation of one of the author's earlier works, Economic Interpretation of the Constitution. In the first book Professor Beard attempts to establish the thesis that the Federal Constitution was the outcome of “a struggle between capitalistic and agrarian interests."

In the present book he attempts to establish the thesis that capitalistic and agrarian interests determined the alignment of political parties into the Federalist and Republican groups during the period immediately following the adoption of the Constitution. The Federalist party was made up of the security-holding capitalists, manufacturers, shippers, and merchants who constituted substantially the same group which advocated the adoption of the Constitution. The Republican party was made up of the debtburdened agrarian classes who had so bitterly opposed the adoption of the Constitution. In the cleavage of economic interests between the capitalistic and agrarian classes the author finds the fundamental cause of the formation of the Federalist and Republican parties during the beginning years of our national life.

Throughout the political issues of the day there appeared this fundamental division between the capitalistic Federalists and the agrarian Republicans. The Federalists were in favor of the funding of the national debt, the assumption of the state debts, the establishment of a national bank, taxation, and other features of Hamilton's economic and fiscal policies, and the Republicans were opposed to an economic system which yielded them no material advantage. The same cleavage of capitalistic and agrarian interests also appears in the discussion of the Jay treaty and the attitude toward building a stronger navy. The meaning of agrarian Republicanism (Jeffersonian Democracy) is thus summed up in the author's words: “Jeffersonian Democracy simply meant the possession of the federal government by the agrarian masses led by an aristocracy of slave-owning planters,

and the theoretical repudiation of the right to use the Government for the benefit of any capitalistic group, fiscal, banking, or manufacturing."

Many will not agree with Professor Beard's fundamental thesis that the formation of the political parties of the time grew out of the conflict of economic interests. But the array of supporting evidence is strong and the method of presentation is convincing The importance of economic facts as fundamental elements in historical development warrants more consideration than those facts have actually received. Accumulating material tends to fulfil the prophecy that "American history will shortly be rewritten along economic lines." In this volume the author has contributed to the fulfilment of that prophecy in an able and scholarly way.



Willford J. King. New York: The Macmillan Company. $1.50.

This is the second volume of the new series of the Citizen's Library of Economics, Politics, and Sociology, edited by Professor Richard T. Ely, of the University of Wisconsin. In addition to presenting some figures, tables, and statistics, taken mainly from the census, two theses seem to be maintained : namely, that the government of the United States should by legislative enactments, undertake to bring about a redistribution of wealth and income among its citizens; and, likewise, that it should stop, or at least greatly reduce, immigration.

The author at the very outset erroneously identifies public wealth with government property (p. 7). Again, he seems not to realize that after all it is not the wealth of individuals which would be redistributed but, actually, capital.

It is especially hazardous to maintain that the present distribution of capital is the result of legislative enactment, and that therefore equality may be established in the same manner by act of legislature (p. 102). Moreover, the author himself proves that at the close of a period during which many attempts were made to raise men's wages by such artificial means, wages actually declined on account of the artificial restrictions thrown around them (p. 201).


The North AMERICANS OF YESTERDAY. By Frederick S. Dellenbaugh.

New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. $4.00.

The value of the work of this distinguished author is attested by the fact that the publishers now present the fourth printing. Mr. Dellenbaugh's personal experience among the people of whom he writes has been extensive and his acquaintance with their monuments is thorough. The work contains more than three hundred and fifty illustrations and is, upon the whole, a beautiful example of the book-maker's art. In the Appendix a list is given of the principal stocks or families, the tribes and subtribes, of Indians from Central America to the Arctic ocean.

Passing over the introductory chapters, we note the adoption of the term “Amerind" to describe the aboriginal inhabitants of the continent. Its use will constantly remind the reader that he is dealing with a distinctive race and culture having a common origin. The term is a better one than “Redskin," but it will hardly displace “Indian” in popular usage. Full discussion of the phenomena connected with the higher European and the lower Amerind cultures lies beyond the scope of the task which Mr. Dellenbaugh has set for himself, belonging rather to the field of the sociologist. What will be the fate of the 265,000 Amerinds now living in the United States may be subject for speculation, but the future of Central America and of Mexico would seem to belong to the native races.

The work is fully abreast of the times, no important contributions to the subject matter having been made since the book first went to press. The energies of the ethnographers are now being bent toward the unravelling of the text of the Maya writings.

Mr. Dellenbaugh's study of the North American Indian is cast over the frame-work of the theory of the ethnic unity of this race, and it is from this point of view, in a scientific sense, that the greatest importance is to be attached to his work. His argument is fully set forth in the concluding chapter of the book, and it is briefly as follows: At some remote period of the earth's history the Amerinds were cut off from the rest of the world by changes in land areas and levels, and by the subsequent descent of the ice-cap they were crowded into the southern part of the

North American triangle, in a hospitable climate, where they developed their culture to its highest point. When the ice-cap retreated the Amerinds followed it and dispersed into a wide latitudinal area; thus the pressure of civilization in Central America was removed, followed by like phenomena in Mexico, and consequently development in these regions ceased. The people nearest the ice-cap, the Esquimaux, always represented the lowest stages of culture and art; those in the medial regions, the Athapascans, Siouans, et cetera, preserved or lost their culture in greater or less degrees, according to circumstances.

The book is valuable to the general reader of history, as well as for use as a text-book for classes in anthropology and sociology.


What I BELIEVE, AND Why. By William Hayes Ward. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons. 1915. Pp. 333.

Christian Moralism seems to be the term that one is compelled to use in describing this lucid and suggestive book of popular apologetic for that brand of theistic morality touched with emotion which has received from Professor Sanday the comforting appellation, “minimum Christianity."

The author claims to be a "complete rationalist” in his religious faith (p. 155), and expresses lusty disbelief in the "consciousness of God” claimed by the mystic as a direct experience. However, Dr. Ward believes in conversion and repentance; hence he may not be very far from the mystics. He says (p. 153) that he used to pray for the mystic experience, but now refrains from such aspiration. He seems to be afraid that the mystics will become spiritual aristocrats. Inasmuch as love and humility have ever characterized the true mystic, who does not claim perfection nor exclusive salvation, perhaps our author's fears are groundless.

The early chapters of the book contain a stimulating review of recent metaphysical guesses of science. Following these the account of the sympathetic criticism of the Bible ought to prove helpful to the general reader.

The last few chapters have the pepper-sauce of the book. Mr. Ward believes that such theories as the Trinity, the Atonement,

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