Her soul is convey'd to the Regions of Joy, Where there's nothing her Comfort nor Peace can annoy, It is we that are left in sad sorrowful Tears For the Loss of a Queen in the prime of her Years: By the hand of cold Death she was snatch'd from the Throne, The death of William evokes one ruder but with less of feeling. Finally, the editor makes some use of various rare sources, such as medals, broadsides, and pages from old manuscripts. From the Bodleian Library is taken a broadside proclamation concerning the payment of chimney money in 1674, and from the same place comes an advertisement of the flying coach from Oxford to London in 1669. The importance of the English woolen industry is manifest in an illustrated broadside in the possession of the editor. 'A True Relation' of the manner of the death of Charles II is reproduced from a broadside in the British Museum. Number 2045 of The London Gazette announces the capture of Argyle, and the warrant for his execution appears in the facsimile of a manuscript belonging to the Corporation of Edinburgh. Monmouth's frantic appeal for the intercession of Catherine of Braganza is taken from the Lansdowne MSS.; and a letter from Jeffreys to the Earl of Sunderland comes from the Public Record Office. From a broadside is given the petition of the Seven Bishops and the answer of James thereto; while the Tanner MSS. provide the petition in Sancroft's own hand. From one of the Egerton MSS. is reproduced the facsimile of the instructions given to Admiral Herbert about what he should do in case James were captured on the seas. Another broadside relates the 'Sad and Lamentable Account of the Strange and Unhappy Misfortune of Mr. John Temple, the Person who Leaped out of the Boat under London-Bridg, and was Drowned.' From one of the Additional MSS. in the British Museum is taken a brief letter of Mary to the Countess of Scarborough about the battle of Steenkerke, well expressed but poorly spelled, as was her wont. One of Professor Firth's broadsides reproduces a parody on the declaration of James to the people of England in 1693, and he also contributes a broadside containing a poem congratulating Peter the Great on his arrival in England. The last illustration in the last volume is a broad side proclamation of Queen Anne. The medals present glorified likenesses of prominent personages, often in connection with striking events, such as the coronation of William and Mary, the battle of Beachy Head, the battle of La Hogue, the conquest of Ireland, and the signing of the Treaty of Ryswick. One need not expatiate upon the excellence of Macaulay's writing or the pleasure to be derived from it. I have spent so many joyous hours with his pages that when in reminiscence now I think of these times past they come into my mind with a character all their own. No literary adventures have brought me more of solace or permanent benefit. I think if one had a friend who had not already perused the 'Essays' or the 'History,' one could wish him no better fortune than leisure and the opportunity to do it; and in case the 'History' were chosen, I can imagine nothing pleasanter than reading from the illustrated edition which I have attempted here to describe. EDWARD RAYMOND TURNER. University of Michigan. POPULAR CONTROL OF FOREIGN POLICY: A REVIEW OF CURRENT LITERATURE* Since the outbreak of the European War there has been published a vast amount of literature dealing with, and largely arguing for, a more effective parliamentary control of foreign affairs than is furnished by the present arrangement in England. The question, while recently acute and most generally discussed, was to some extent mooted before the beginning of the present hostilities. Bagehot adverted to it in The English Constitution; the year 1886 saw the matter come to a vote in the House of Commons when a private member moved, "That in the opinion of this House it is not just or expedient to embark in war, contract engagements involving grave responsibilities for the nation, and add territories to the Empire without the knowledge and consent of Parliament." Mr. Gladstone's opposition was not unsympathetic, but the motion was lost by four votes. Since 1886 only desultory attention has been given the question. In 1913, during the debate on the Foreign Office Vote, Sir Edward (now Viscount) Grey declared that his policy had been to avoid "making secret treaties which entail serious obligations on this country"; as for legislative ratification of treaty engagements-that was a *Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy. By E. D. Morel. London: The National Labour Press. 1915. Pp. xxx, 198. Democracy and Diplomacy. By Arthur Ponsonby, M. P. London: Methuen & Co. 1915. Pp. xiii, 198. How Diplomats Make War. By Francis Neilson. New York: B. W. Huebsch. 1916. Pp. xviii, 382. Towards a Lasting Settlement. By C. R. Buxton, Philip Snowden, G. Lowes Dickinson and others. New York: The Macmillan Company. 1916. Pp. 216. What is Diplomacy? By Charles W. Hayward. London: Grant Richards, Ltd. 1916. Pp. 256. The War and Democracy. By Alfred Zimmern and others. London: Macmillan & Co. 1915. Pp. xiv, 390. The European Anarchy. By G. Lowes Dickinson. New York: The Macmillan Company. 1916. Pp. 144. The Problem of the Commonwealth. By Lionel Curtis. Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada. 1916. Pp. xii, 247. constitutional point which was not germane to the foreign office vote. At the same time such an experienced diplomatist as Sir Thomas Barclay professed the belief that foreign affairs were being conducted in a manner inconsistent with representative institutions and that British policy should be brought into closer harmony with the national feeling and interests. Finally, the matter was discussed in 1914 before the Select Committee on House of Commons Procedure, but no definite recommendations were made. Interesting extracts from this evidence and from the reports on the treatment of international questions by other governments which were made in 1912 by British diplomatic representatives and published as a Parliamentary Paper are given as an appendix to Mr. Ponsonby's volume. It was fully realized, furthermore, that the problem of Britannic cohesion, of better empire governance, was intimately connected with this agitation for more popular control of foreign policy; in fact, the first report of those interesting groups of men of all political faiths and in all parts of the Dominions which were formed six years ago to study the Imperial Problem-their organ is a quarterly magazine, The Round Table-attempts to answer the question, "how a British citizen in the Dominions. can acquire the same control of foreign policy as one domiciled in the British Isles," and has just been published by Mr. Lionel Curtis as The Problem of the Commonwealth. But apart from this agitation which has been almost entirely directed to the larger problem of colonial participation, such acute political thinkers as John Bright, Bagehot, Viscount Bryce, Professor Sidgwick, and others have long realized that a change must come if Demos was not to be excluded from a field of politics which the present war has indisputably shown to be far more important than those in which the consent of the voter is now asked. For, under the English Constitution at the present time, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs occupies a position different from that of any other Minister. Unlike most of his colleagues, as Mr. Ponsonby points out, maladministration becomes known but rarely, and then only to those who have followed foreign questions with considerable care. The Cabinet, with each of its twenty members burdened with work in his own department, is unable to act as an advisory council, and thus the Foreign Secretary has come to have "all but unlimited discretion." Occasionally, to be sure, he does make speeches in the country, but these pronouncements on foreign policy are not frequent. Furthermore, Mr. Ponsonby objects to the "rarefied atmosphere" in which the Foreign Secretary works. Candidates for the diplomatic service are obliged to have an income of £400 a year. They are necessarily men whose preliminary education has been of such a character, much of it probably undertaken abroad, that they have had neither time nor opportunity to obtain any extensive knowledge of the democratic social and political movements in their country. In the service, they associate only with those in high official society; etiquette and tact have to be stressed, and the result is that diplomacy becomes a highly specialized game and the players come to look upon countries as mere pawns on the chessboard of international politics. Under such circumstances, guiding principles are easily lost sight of. Moreover, Parliament is both ignorant and powerless, and has apparently been content to see a diminution in the time devoted to the consideration of foreign questions. "The Foreign Office Vote," says Mr. Ponsonby, "is the one opportunity [there are occasional discussions on motions for adjournment, the Appropriation Bill, and questions asked by members] for a special debate on our foreign relations. But even this is dependent on the request of the Opposition. In recent years a Session has been known to pass without the Foreign Office Vote being taken at all. The small minority--and it is very small-of members on both sides of the House who are especially interested, and who may from their knowledge foresee difficulties and dangers ahead, is practically powerless if it desires to have a debate. In 1914 a day and half was devoted to the Vote. The first halfday of four and a half hours would probably have been all that would have been allotted had not the Opposition had to choose the subject for another spare day and selected the Foreign Office Vote for no special reason except, perhaps, as it appeared by the attendance of the debate, that many members had to be away on that day." Yet, even at these infrequent debates, the discussion |