ascertain from me the exact amount paid by the Ijarhadars, or Farmers of Hindostan, as they designated the Honourable Company, to the king of Great Britain, for their lease of the country. My explanation on this subject proved far from satisfactory. When I stated ny belief that there was little or no surplus revenue either to the king or company, and that the expenditure of some of the governments was greater than the receipts, Kurm Ali exclaimed with astonishment, "How is that possible? Your power extends over five mighty kingdoms." I replied that it was true the territory was immense, but that our system was different from that of the Mahommedans and Mahrattas, who lived only for themselves and their own generation; that we were making laws for future ages, and although we personally did not profit, still our children and the posterity of the ryots would know the advantage of our policy. In the justice of this they seemed ready to acquiesce, for they remarked that it was by our intellectual superiority alone we held India.

On the subject of Bhurtpore they asked several questions, and amongst others the cause of our having taken it. I answered that the Rajan had brought his misfortunes entirely on himself by an insolent and overbearing conduct, which it was impossible for a great government to submit to from any state; and that the proud fortress once called Bhurtpore, was now levelled with the dust. To this observation, which might have conjured up some uneasy anticipations in their own minds, they rejoined, that every kingdom we had conquered was divided in itself, and that no instance had yet occurred of our having had to contend with one where prince and subjects were united in a common cause. The ameers, no doubt, indulged the illusion, that their's was the happy principality which would, with one accord, resist a hostile invader; but I referred them to the history of all the conquests of Hindostan whether the courtiers had not invariably deserted the sovereign when he was likely to be unfortunate. To the Burmese war they also once alluded, and remarked that many of our troops had perished in that struggle; to which I replied, that it had been by the climate, and added, what they either did not know, or were unwilling to allow, that the peace had been brought about by the cession of large tracts of country, and a considerable payment in money.

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They often descanted on the disadvantages we had suffered by taking such a wretched country into our hands, which cost us more than it produced; and they told me once, that, if government would transfer the sovereignty of it to them, they would provide the security of the richest merchants for the regular payment of a tribute equal to the present subsidy. I had the curiosity to inquire how they would profit by such an arrangement, even if it were practicable, and found it to be their opinion that the revenues were embezzled by the ministers of the Rao. On my assuring them that there was really very little wealth in Cutch, Mourad Ali intimated, that he could find means to extract some. As they appeared so interested, I entered into an explanation with them to show the respect we had for treaties, which, whether injurious or not, we were bound by honour to maintain; and surprised them, perhaps, by adding that we would waste our blood and treasure as readily in the defence of Cutch, as of the richest and most productive of our dominions.

Of his Majesty and the royal family, and many other circumstances connected with England, they spoke with a knowledge which surprised me, and once observed, that English sailors and Beloche soldiers were the best in the world. They knew the character and fall of the Emperor Napoleon, but were ignorant of his death. Of vaccine inoculation they had heard by report; and when I explained its advantages, they declared their intention of establishing it in Sinde, and requested me to assist them with the means of doing so. Among other subjects I told them of the grand discovery of steam-engines; but in this, and respecting the revenues of Great Britain, they evidently considered I was making use of a traveller's privilege. They were obviously much gratified to find I had a knowledge of the history of their family, of which they are exceedingly proud; and on my being shown the sword of their ancestor, Meer Bejur, whose murder occasioned the overthrow of the Calora dynasty, they were equally astonished and pleased to hear me mention the circumstance of his pilgrimage to Mecca, and the treachery which caused his death.

One thing alone raised a frown on the countenances of the ameers. In conversing one day with their minister, on the state of Cabûl, I had occasion to refer in his presence to a large map of Hindostan, and he mentioned the circumstance to their Highnesses, who begged to see so great a curiosity. I accordingly took it to the durbar, and explained its nature to them. Nothing could exceed their wonder when I traced from stage to stage, with my finger, the various routes through Sinde, together with those to Jessulmere and Lahore; and stated that I could travel throughout the whole of their dominions, by the assistance of the map, without asking the way to a single village. It was probably injudicious, but I could not at the time resist the impulse, of covering the whole of their paltry territory with my hand, and pointing out to them the boundaries of our great and glorious empire in India. They affected perfect indifference at first, and pretended that they knew as much of our provinces as we did of their's; but they were extremely grave during the remainder of the interview, and I understood afterwards, from some persons who remained behind me at the levee, that they again reverted to the subject of the map, without concealing their chagrin and vexation that the Feringees knew every thing. pp. 97-102.

The ameers showed every disposition to prevail on Mr. Burnes to remain in their country, but he declined or rather evaded their proposals, and on the first fair opportunity that presented itself, he returned to Bhooj. He describes the parting scene with the

ameers.

'On the morning of the 21st of January, I paid my last visit at the durbar of the ameers, and the adieus on both sides were, I believe, not unmingled with regret. Their Highnesses expressed themselves more than ever thankful; and I had an opportunity of reiterating my acknowledgments for the continued hospitality and respect I had experienced in Sinde. I was accompanied to the river side, a distance of about five miles, by several of their chief officers, and amongst these, by my old friend Wullee Mahommed, who presented me with a copy of his poetical works at parting, and who, unknown to me, had sent several articles which might contribute to my convenience among my baggage. Having embarked at twelve

o'clock on board the boat which was prepared for me, together with some officers, whom the ameers had deputed to attend me, we immediately weighed anchor, and continued a delightful voyage at the rate of about three miles an hour till evening, when we moored for the night near Triccul. The barge was a large flatbottomed vessel, resembling a steam-boat in appearance, fitted up with the greatest attention to comfort, and supplied, as usual, with every necessary and luxury the country could afford, for my attendants and myself. On the deck were erected two wicker bungalows, one of which, destined for my accommodation, was as large as an officer's tent, and nearly of the same form, being covered with scarlet cloth, and lined inside with chintz. A fleet of smaller boats accompanied us, having on board the horses, camels, &c. pp. 127, 128.

About half the volume is occupied with remarks on Alexander's route, a history of Cutch, and a medical topography of Bhooj. The details into which the author enters on these several subjects, would scarcely justify us in protracting this paper. They are, however, of a nature that deserves the attention of those, whose duty it is to consider the present state of our Indian empire, particularly in relation to the native and independent powers. We hope that we have presented to the reader enough of the contents of this volume to satisfy him that the trouble of perusing it for himself will be amply and delightfully rewarded. Two very elaborate maps accompany the work.

ART. VIII-A Sermon on 1 Corinthians, xi. 12, preached before the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, on Sunday, February 6, 1831. By the Rev. H. B. Bulteel, M.A., late Fellow of Exeter College, and Curate of Saint Ebbes's Oxford. Third Edition. Oxford: Baxter, 1831.

THE patent by which the Church of England maintains its existence at this moment is founded on this principle-that the very best institutions by which men can be blest in this world are subject, in the lapse of time, to abuse-to perversion of the worst sort; and to become from what they were in the beginning-fountains of universal good-sources of as general corruption. If this proposition be false-nay, if it be not demonstrable, as palpably as any acknowledged truth to which we give our assent, then the Established Church of these realms is divested of all authority, and has no pretence for its continuance. And yet there are some within the bosom of the establishment who virtually maintain her infallibility, not merely in doctrine, but even in her secular administration; as if the Church of England, the creature of investigation-bold, fearless, almost seditious examination-as if she ought not to be forward, and nearly clamorous in challenging that close inquiry that searching criticism to which she is altogether indebted for her existence. Some, again, admit the utility of revising the condition of the church, but that this (meaning any

point of time at which the examination has ever been proposed) is not the period for the process, since enemies are now in greater abundance than ever, and we know not even how long the wellaffected will remain disposed to the church, seeing the arts that are put in operation to influence their opinions. Nay, but is not such, we reply, the very time for the investigation. It is the abuses themselves of the system that give strength to the foe; and by removing these alone, can the adversary be deprived of his power of mischief. We perceive with pleasure, that a more politic spirit has begun to manifest itself within the walls-pandetur ab urbe.-Mr. Bulteel has set an example, upon the imitation of which, amongst his reverend brethren, we shall look as the criterion of the real friends of the church. What is there to be gained by any longer refusing to acknowlege the evils which exist? Nothing; but, on the contrary, great misfortunes to be apprehended; and so plain and obvious does this truth appear, that it will be impossible for the clergyman who remains passive much longer upon the great question of church reform, to escape the suspicion of indifference, if not of positive hostility to the interests of the establishment. If Mr. Bulteel be not to the letter justified in what he has asserted in this sermon; if there be an iota of overcharge or exaggeration in his glowing indictment, then does he deserve the vengeance that ever pursues the calumniator of the innocent. But if his language be but the faithful description of what exists, then we are astonished that the duty of complaint should be limited to a solitary advocate. It will be remembered, that the bold remonstrance which Mr. Bulteel thought it necessary to promulgate, was not addressed to a humble congregation of villagers, on whose acquiescence in his authority he might previously have calculated; nor was it got up for a willing audience, whom the preacher was desirous of conciliating by a show of clerical liberality; no, it was spoken in the highest place; it was heard in the very theatre of the sacrilege which it denounced; it made Festus and all his courtiers tremble with fear. The text chosen by the reverend gentleman was, as is indicated in the title, from 1 Cor. ii. 12. "Now we have received not the spirit of the world, but the spirit which is of God, that we might know the things that are freely given to us of God." Having pursued the several themes which are capable of being developed in these words of the Apostle, Mr. Bulteel proceeds to what he calls his practical conclusion, and says that he contents himself with stating a few facts.

'One more Article, to which I would call your attention, is the thirtyseventh, which treats of the civil magistrate. It seems by it that some "slanderous folks" were offended in those days on account of the King's allowed supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs; therefore this Article plainly affirms, that "we only allow to our King that only prerogative always given to all godly princes in the Scriptures by God himself;" and this is defined to be, that he should rule all estates, as well ecclesiastical as civil,

and by the use of "the civil sword restrain all stubborn and wicked doers," whether churchmen or statesmen. Now this being all the supremacy allowed by this Article to the King, how can any man in his senses possibly object? Every loyal subject of every denomination must set his hand and heart, his "yea and amen," to such a reasonable declaration. But facts speak a different language, and prove that this is not the only prerogative which the King exercises in church matters; for the appointment of every one of the bishops is entirely in his Majesty's hands; so that while the principal of the Article remains sound, and consistent with the spirit of christianity, yet the practice of the church in this matter is unsound, and fraught with the most disastrous consequences. For mark, brethren, how the case stands. The King's minister recommends such and such a one to the King to be a bishop; it may be, because he is his relation, or his son's tutor, or because he is a good scholar; but one thing is sure, that except this minister know Christ, he is not likely to recommend one that knows Christ. Then the King recommends to the clergy, which recommendation has the force of a law. The bishop so appointed has the ordination of a multitude of inferior clergy, and so the pulpits are filled. Now the consequences are plain to every impartial eye. A young man, either in search of prefernent, or because the church is a respectable profession, or aspiring to a seat in the House of Peers, or because there is a good living which he is sure of by going into the church, beholds too many attractions in our establishment not to catch at the gilded bait. The Articles, which were set up as barriers to keep out all but spiritual men from the ministry, are easily explained away, and made to mean any thing but what they do mean. Ordination is easily enough conferred on any man of moderate abilities, provided our Grace Articles form no part of his creed; and thus men, whose object in becoming ministers of Christ is any thing but the glory of Christ, climb boldly over the wall, and perform a mock exercise of the shepherd's office.

'How then, I ask, from such a state of things, can we be surprised, if on looking through the generation of church ministers of all orders, and at all times, we find a large proportion of them men of pleasure, such as play and opera-goers, card-players, ball-frequenters, and dancers, delighting in horse-races and hunting, or the more refined and seducing amusements of music, the concert, and the oratorio? Or else, further than this, men that have been habitual gamblers, drunkards, misers, gluttons, fornicators, adulterers, or even worse than they? We may well ask, therefore, when we see such fruits as these, whether, in allowing the possibility of such a state of things, we were or are now led by the Spirit of God?

Now that the church is and hath been in this state is notorious, and needs no proof. The world knows it, sees it, and talks of it; and the world has a sharp eye to discern the inconsistencies of those who, professing themselves to be set apart for the peculiar service of God and his Christ, are to be generally found in the front rank of Baal's worshippers and in his temples.

'One thing more I now wish to bring before you, and which I pray God to bring with power to your souls. It is this: that the Heads and Resident Fellows of Colleges in this University have had, and have now, no small share in the introduction and perpetuation of these corruptions.