II. Table of the Hierarchy of Ranks and Titles in the Roman Empire at the commencement of the Fifth Century. Rank and titles multiplied in the Roman empire, at the same epoch in which the court and central government received their definitive form, as given in the preceding table. These ranks and titles conferred important privileges upon the possessors, with reference to the other citizens, but in no degree rendered them independent of power. They were mere personal distinctions attached to certain offices, and which even the holders of these offices did not enjoy, until they had been authorized to assume them by letters patent from the prince. There were six principal ranks or titles, the rights of precedence among which were minutely regulated. I. Nobilissimi. This was the highest of the titles; it came close to the throne, and conferred, to a certain extent, the dignity of Cæsar. It was bestowed upon the members and allies of the imperial family. II. Illustres. The persons decorated with this title were twenty-seven in number -viz., 1. The pretorian prefect of the East. 2. The pretorian prefect of Illyria. 7-11. The five generals, commanders of the army in the East. 13. The general of the infantry in the West. 14, 15. The two grand chamberlains of the East and West. 16, 17. The two masters of the offices in the East and West. 18, 19. The two questors of the palace in the East and West. 20, 21. The two counts of the sacred largesses in the East and West. 22, 23. The two counts of the privy purse in the East and West. 24, 25. The two counts commanding the body-guard, cavalry, in the East and West. 26, 27. The two counts commanding the body-guard, infantry, in the East and West. The consuls were also illustres. The date of the introduction of this title is not known. Augustus used to select every month, at first fifteen, and afterwards twenty, members of the senate, to form his privy council; their decisions were held as having emanated from the entire body of the senate; they were called patricii, while the other senators were only entitled clarissimi. They, in concurrence with the sovereign, discussed and directed public affairs. Constantine formed of them his consistorium principes (council of state), and entitled the members comites consistoriani. They were, with the consuls, the first honored with the title of illustres, which was afterwards extended, probably also under Constantine, to the magistrates above mentioned. The illustres were addressed thus,-vestra tua, or tua, magnificentia, celsitudo, sublimitas, magnitudo, eminentia, excellentia, &c. Those who neglected to observe the etiquette in this respect, had to pay a fine of three pounds in gold. The illustres could only be tried for any offence by the prince in person, or his immediate delegates; they were entitled to have their sentences read by the registrar; they were prohibited from making a traffic of their power and influence, and from marrying women of an inferior rank; this latter prohibition, however, was recalled at a later period; neither they nor their families could be put to the torture, nor be subjected to any of the capital punishments inflicted on plebeians; they were exempted from being summoned to any court as witnesses, &c. II. Spectabiles. Of these there were sixty-two. 1, 2. The first two chamberlains in the East and West. (Primicerii sacri cubiculi.) 3, 4. The two counts of the palace, in the East and West. (Comites castrenscs.) 5, 6. The two chief secretaries of the emperor, in the East and West. (Primicerii notariorum.) 7-13. The seven heads of the principal departments of the central government in the East and West. (Magistri scriniorum.) 14-16. The three proconsuls (governors of dioceses or provinces) of Asia, Achaia, and Africa. 17. The count of the East. 18. The prefect of Egypt. (Præfectus Augustalis.) 19-29. Eleven vicars, or governors of dioceses; five in the empire of the East, and six in the empire of the West. 30-37. Eight counts, or generals of armies; two in the East, and six in the West. 38-62. Twenty-five dukes, or generals of armies; thirteen in the East, and twelve in the West. The title of spectabiles was also given to the senators, probably under Constantine. It seems to have had no other origin than the mania for the classification of ranks. It was very uncertain in its application; we find it given to men who are called elsewhere clarissimi, or perfectissimi, or even egregii; thus the duces, the silentiarii (ushers in law courts), the notarii (secretaries), are designated sometimes by the one, sometimes by the other of these appellations. IV. Clarissimi. We find this title already, under Tiberius, in possession of the senators and senatorial families. After a certain number of senators had become illustres, the rest continued to assume the title of clarissimi, and by degrees it became extended to all the inferior officers employed in the provinces. At the commencement of the fifth century there were, it would appear, 115 persons addressed by this title-viz, Thirty-seven consular personages, governors of provinces; fifteen in the East, and twenty-two in the West. Five correctores, governors of provinces; two in the East, and three in the West. Seventy-three præsides, governors of provinces; forty-two in the East, and three in the West. V. Perfectissimi. This title was invented by Constantine; we find it, indeed, made use of in the law of Diocletian, but it was Constantine who introduced it into his classification of ranks, and divided the perfectissimi into three grades. The title was given, To the præsides, or governors, of Arabia, Isauria, and Dalmatia. To the rationales, collectors of the public revenues in the provinces. To the magistri scriniorum, heads of the offices of the court of the sacred largesses. To the counts of the sacred largesses, or imperial collectors and paymasters in the provinces. And to many other persons in the public service. VI. Egregii. This last title was very common; it appertained to all the imperial secretaries, to all the persons employed in the offices of the various governors of the provinces, to priests, to the crown lawyers, and to a whole host of other persons. III. Narrative of the Embassy sent in 449 to Attila, by Theodosius the Younger, Emperor of the East. INTRODUCTION. There is scarcely any feature of the history of this period which it were more interesting to be thoroughly acquainted with, than the relations of the Roman emperors with the barbarians, the Germans, Huns, Slavonians, &c., who pressed upon their frontiers. A knowledge of this can alone enable us to form anything like a precise and accurate idea of the comparative state of Roman and of barbarian civilization. Unfortunately, the materials of this knowledge are very deficient; we have upon the subject little more than mere sentences, paragraphs, scattered throughout the Latin chroniclers, the confused traditions of the German tribes, or some old poems which, in their present form, are evidently greatly posterior to the fourth and fifth century. The narrative of the embassy sent in 449 by Theodosius the Younger to Attila, at that time master of the whole of Germany, and himself established on the Danube, is, unquestionably, the fullest and most instructive of the monuments remaining to us of this branch of history; the only one, in fact, which shows us the interior of the states, and the life of a barbarian chief, and enables us to examine closely, and, as it were, in person, his relations with the Romans: the narrative itself is of the highest authenticity; it formed part of the history of the war against Attila, in seven books, written by the sophist Priscus, of Panium in Thrace, a member of the embassy; it has come down to us among the Excerpta legationum, inserted in the first vo lume of the Collection of Byzantine historians, and which formed the 53d book of a great historical collection made by one Theodosius, by order of Constantine VI. Porphyrogenitus (911-959). I here present you with a literal translation of this interesting production. The narrative, it is true, relates to the empire of the east, not to that of the west, and to Hun barbarians, not to German barbarians: but the relative situation of the two empires and of the two classes of barbarians at this period was very nearly the same; the social state and manners of the Huns, notwithstanding the diversity of origin and of language, very closely resembled, in general outline, at all events, those of the Germans. We may, therefore, in the absence of documents specially relating to the Germans or to the west, regard the narrative before us, as a tolerably faithful image of the relations of the expiring empire with its future conquerors. 448-449. Embassy of Attila to Theodosius. Plot of Chrysaphus the Eunuch to take away the life of Attila by means of Edeco and Vigilius. Embassy of Theodosius to Attila. Details as to the manners of the Huns; their mode of life, &c. The Scythian Edeco, who had performed great military_exploits, again came with Orestes, in quality of envoy; the latter, a Roman by birth, lived in Pæonia, a country situate on the Savus, and which, in virtue of the treaty with Etius, general of the western Romans, was now subject to the barbarian. This Edeco, on being admitted into the palace, presented to the emperor letters from Attila, in which the barbarian complained that the deserters from his camp had not been brought back to him, and threatened to resume hostilities unless they were forthwith restored; and, moreover, unless the Romans at once abstained from cultivating for themselves the territory which the fortune of war had added to his dominions. Now this territory extended along the Danube from Pæonia to Thrace; its breadth was fifteen days' march. Moreover, the barbarian required that the great market should no longer be held, as heretofore, on the banks of the Danube, but at Naissus, which town, taken and sacked by him, and distant from the Danube five days' rapid march, was situate, he said, at the limit of the Scythian and Roman states. Finally, he ordered that ambassadors should be sent to him, men not of common birth and dignity, but consular personages, to receive whom, he added, he would come as far as Sardica. These letters having been read, Edeco quitted the presence in company with Vigilius, who had acted as interpreter of the words of Attila; and after having visited the other apartments, repaired to that of Chrysaphus, servant of the emperor, and in great favor and authority with him. The barbarian had greatly admired the magnificence of the imperial abode. Vigilius, who still accompanied him as interpreter, repeated to Chrysaphus his expressions of praise of the imperial palace, and his feeling that the Romans must be very happy by reason of their vast wealth. Chrysaphus hereupon told Edeco that he might himself have a similar abode, splendidly decorated, with gilded ceilings, and be placed in possession of every other advantage he might desire, if he would quit Scythia to reside at Rome. Edeco replied that it was not permissible to the servant of a foreign prince to take this step without his master's sanction. The eunuch asked him whether had easy access to Attila, and what power he was invested with in his own country. Edeco replied, that he and Attila were upon terms of familiar intercourse, and that he was one of the guards who took it in turn to keep watch over that prince in his abode. The eunuch then said, that if Edeco would do a certain service for him, he would confer upon him very important advantages; but that, as the affair required deliberation, he would communicate it to him after he had taken supper, if he would then return to his apartment without Orestes and his other fellow ambassadors. The barbarian promised to do so; and, accordingly, after he had supped, again presented himself to Chrysaphus. After they had, by means of the interpreter Vigilius, exchanged mutual oaths, the eunuch, not to propose anything to the detriment of Edeco, but solely what should be to his great advantage, the latter not to reveal what should be proposed to him, even though he should not execute it, the eunuch told Edeco that if on his return to Scythia he would kill Attila, he should pass the rest of his life in affluence and luxury. Edeco consented to the proposition, and said that he should want some money to effect the business, about fifty pounds in gold, to divide among the soldiers under his orders, and in other ways to facilitate his proceedings. The eunuch offered to give him the amount he named at once; but the barbarian said that, in the first place, it would be advisable to send him back, accompanied by Vigilius, to give Attila the answer that should be determined upon respecting the deserters; that then he and Vigilius would consult further upon the best mode of executing the design, and that this being settled, Vigilius should come for the money; this, he said, would be better than for him to take the gold with him, seeing that, immediately upon his return, in the first instance, Attila would assuredly interrogate him and his fellows as to whether they had received any presents, and as to how much money the Romans had given them, and that in such case, were he to take the money at once, it would be impossible for him to keep the fact a secret, by reason of his companions. The eunuch admitted the soundness of the barbarian's view of the matter, and acted upon it. After that Edeco had taken his leave, Chrysaphus repaired to the emperor's privy council, who immediately sent for Martial, the minister of the offices, and communicated to him the agreement entered into with the barbarian; for it was the very nature of his post that he should be made acquainted with the matter, he being on all occasions a confidential adviser of the emperor, and having under his orders all the couriers and interpreters, and all the troops entrusted with the guard of the palace. The emperor and Martial having considered the whole affair, it was determined to send to Attila not only Vigilius, but Maximin also, as ambassador. Vigilius, whose ostensible office was that of interpreter, was to fulfil the directions of Edeco; while Maximin, who knew nothing of the real affair in hand, was to deliver the emperor's letter to Attila. The emperor's letter was to the effect, that he had sent Vigilius as interpreter, and had selected Maximin as his ambassador, who was superior to Vigilius in rank, being of illustrious birth, and employed about his own person in many affairs; that it was not fitting that Attila, violating treaties, should invade the Roman territory; that he |