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generals, if they do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much juster reason for Vespasian's being emperor than for Vitellius; as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come from Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labours than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child, to preside over them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement of men's own children to diguities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for themselves. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian,-or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus; for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages, for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighbouring kings, and will have farther all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe, so far as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's brother,+ and his other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be such, that if we ourselves make farther delays, the senate may choose an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviours of the empire, will have in contempt."

while, and had endeavoured to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor.

5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus and the other commanders, that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying corn [to Rome]; which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force (for he would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food); and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him. He also considered with himself, that he should then have that country for a defence to himself against the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypts is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Syene, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea, extending as far as Coptus; and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no haven in it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Syene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium, is three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther. The haven also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty, even in times of peace; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of rocks, that lie under the water, which oblige mariners to turn from a straight direction: its left side is blocked up by works made by men's hands on both sides; on which right side lies the island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in the night-time, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About this island are built very great piers, the handywork of men, against which when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered very dangerous: yet is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness; into which is brought what the country wants, in order to its happiness; as also what abundance the counwhereas Josephus introduces here the Roman soldiers in Judea saying try affords more than it wants itself, is hence dis

4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor, and exhorted him to save the government which was now in danger. Now Vespasian's concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did not he intend to set up governor for himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity; but when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the soldiers came about him with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great

The Roman authors that now remain, say Vitellius had children;

he had one. Which of these assertions was the truth I know not. Spanheim thinks he has given a peculiar reason for calling Vitellius "childless," though he really had children, Diss. de Num. p. 649, 650, to which it appears very difficult to give our assent.

This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as Suetonius informs us in Vitell. sect. 15; and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is also named by Jo-ephus presently, ch. xi. sect. 4.

It plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and

tributed into all the habitable earth.

6. Justly, therefore did Vespsaian desire to obtain that government, in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole of the empire; so he im

Eutropius, that Ve-pasian was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, mediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was

and not till some time afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's present copies must be corrected, when they both say that he was first proclaimed in Egypt, and that on the kalends of July, while they still say it was the fifth of the Nones or Ides of the same July before he was proclaimed in Judea. I suppose the month they there intended was June, and no July, as the copies now have it; nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. Sce Essay on the Revelation, Lage 135

then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put him upon, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the

Here we have an authentic description of the bounds and cireum. stances of Egypt in the days of Vespa lan and Titus.

CHAP. X.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces,
he will be like a man that hath never been bound;
at all." For that is the usual method as to such as
This advice was
have been bound without cause.
agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man
in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus
received this testimony of his integrity for a re-
ward, and was moreover esteemed a person of cre-
dit as to futurities also.

CHAPTER X.

THAT UPON THE CONQUEST and Slaughter of VITEL-
LIUS, VESPASIAN HASTENED HIS JOURNEY TO ROME;
BUT TITUS HIS SON RETURNED TO JERUSALEM.

government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both of whom willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighbourhood. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more Buddenly than any one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming§ 1. AND now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places to the empire. Vespasian then removed from of power justly, † and according to every one's deCesarea to Berytus, where many embassages came serts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns, and he had best take, he preferred to go to Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that the congratulations of the people. Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province, and Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the told him with what alacrity the people [received afiairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; the news of his advancement], and how the people so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him. considerable army both of horsemen and footmen 7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for because it was the middle of winter; so he led his the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia. 2. In the meantime Antonius Primus took the he considered that he had not arrived at the gothird of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was vernment without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under president of that province, and made haste, in order his power; for as he called to mind the other sig to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away nals, which had been a great many everywhere, Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which when he ventured to foretel his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so he was much con- city is in the borders of Italy; but when he saw cerned that this man was still in bonds with him. there that the enemy were numerous and in good He then called for Mucianus, together with his other order, he durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of becommanders and friends, and in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had traying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he asbeen, and what great hardships he had made him sembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he reto Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation lated those predictions of his* which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Veswas in, but which had by time been demonstrated pasian. He also told them, that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion; but to be divine." It is a shameful thing (said he) that with the other was the power of it; and that it was this man who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a divine better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favour, and, while they were likely to be overcome in message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner." So he called for battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty; whereupon the commanders promised himself to subdue what had not yet submitted, without their assistance, while Vitellius could not themselves glorious things, from this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present preserve what he had already with it. with his father, and said, "O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain; for if we

As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on account of his having foretold the destruction of the Babylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent exaltation of the Medes and Persians, Dan. v. vi.; or rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at liberty, and honourably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the command of Nebuchadnezzar, on account of his having foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jer. xl. 1-7; so was our Josephus set at liberty and honourably treated, on account of his having foretold the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire. All these are most eminent instances of the interposition of Divine Providence, and of the certainty of divine predictions in the great revolutions of the four monarchica. Several such-like examples there are, both in the sacred and other histories; as in the case of Jo eph in Egypt, and of Tadun the high-priest, in the days of Alexander the Great, &c.

3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same and persuaded them to comply with him; purpose, and both he and his army deserted; but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better; and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by

This is well observed by Jo ephus, that Vespasian, in order to secure his success, and establish his government at first, distributed his othices and places upon the foot of justice, and bestowed them on such as best deserved them, and were best fit for them. Which wise conduct in a mere heathen, ought to put those rulers and ministers of state to shame, who, professing Christianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and their kingdoms to vice and destruction.

them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees,
and besought them not to do it: so the soldiers did
not kill him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and
were about to send him to Vitellius. When [An-
tonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men
immediately, and made them put on their armour,
and led them against those that had revolted; here-
upon they put themselves in order of battle, and
made resistance for a while, but were soon beaten,
and fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his
horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city,
and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude
of them before the city, and fell into the city toge-
ther with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to
plunder it. And here it was that many strangers,
who were merchants, as well as many of the people
of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius's
whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred,
while Antonius lost no more of those that came with
him from Mysia than four thousand and five hun-
dred;
he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to
Vespasian, to tell him the good news. So he came,
and was received by him; and covered the scandal,
of his treachery by the unexpected honours he re-
ceived from Vespasian.

4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night-time seized upon the capitol; and, as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother's son, whose encouragement was of very great weight, for compassing the government. Now, Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out of his natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol; and many bold actions were done on this side and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill in their possession, where Domitian, and many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius and then slain the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and was met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of his palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and heing drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days ;* and had he lived much

• The numbers in Josephus, ch. ix. sect. 2, 9, for Galba 7 months 7 days, for Otho 3 months 2 days, and here for Vitellius 8-nonths 5 days, do not agree with. any Roman historians; who also disagree among themselves, And, indeed, Scaliger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes on chap, ix. sect. 2, that this period is very confused and un. certain in the ancient authors. They were probably some of them con.

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longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killing many of Vitellius's soldiers and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself: so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival-days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.

5. And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it. So upou this confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city Thmuis; there he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his army at that place for two days; and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of Casian Jupiter,+ and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water; but the people of the country make use of water brought from other places. After this he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to Ascalon, and from thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place.

temporary together for some time; one of the best evidences we have,
I mean Ptolemy's Canon, omits them all, as if they did not all together
reign one whole year, nor had a single Thoth, or New Year's Day
(which then fell upon Aug. 6) in their entire reigns. Dio, also, who
says that Vitellius reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate
all their reigns together at no more than one year, one month, and two
days.
There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still extant, as Spanhcia
here informs us.

BOOK V.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF NEAR SIX MONTHS.

FROM THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM, TO THE GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED.

CHAPTER I.

CONCERNING THE SEDITIONS AT JERUSALEM, AND WHAT TERRIBLE MISERIES AFFLICTED THE CITY BY THEIR MEANS.

§ 1. WHEN therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Cesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of divine justice. Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased; but for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which for the want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.

2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared very angry at John's insolent attempts, which he made every day upon the people; for this man never left off murdering: but the truth was, that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him. So he being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of Chelcias, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah the son of Chobar, a person of eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots; these seized upon the inner court of the temple, and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court; and because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of their small number; and when they had laid up their arms there, they did not stir from

*

This appears to be the first time that the zealots ventured to polute this most sacred court of the temple, which was the court of the

priests, wherein the temple itself and the altar stood. So that the "between the temple and the altar" several months before, b. iv. ch.

conjecture of those that would interpret that Zacharias, who was slain

. sect. 4; as if he were slain there by these zealots, is groundless, as I have soted on that place already.

the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his head; and as he could not make any assault upon them without terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest; nay, although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he could inflict upon them, yet would not he leave off assaulting them, insomuch that there were continual sallies made one against another, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled everywhere with murders.

3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John and his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he beneath their situation, when he attacked them, as they were beneath the attacks of the others above them. Whereby it came to pass, that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from their hands only; but was obliged to repel those that threw darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war; for he had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred ministrations; for notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition: for those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the buildings, and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those that were about the sacred offices; insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was

The Levites,

venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcases stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves. And now, "O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou longer continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulchre for the bodies of thine own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine! Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction."* But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestic lamentation, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition.

4. And now there were three treacherous faction: in the city, the one parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred first-fruits, cam against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the seditious. When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war; and if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which happened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party; and this he did always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions. The same thing was done by Simon, when, upon the others' retreat, he attacked the city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans, by destroying what the city had laid up against the seige, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both sides; and that almost all the corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a seige of many years. So they were taken by the means of famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.

5. And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, between them, were like a great body torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were in such distress by their in

This is an excellent reflection of Josephus, including his hopes of the restoration of the Jews u, on their repentance. See Antiq. b. iv. ch. viil. sect. 46, which is the grand Hope of Israel," as Manasseh

ben-Israel, the famous Jewish rabbi, styles it, in his small, but remarkable treatise on that subject, of which the Jewish prophets are everywhere full. See the principal of those prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on the Revelation, page 722, &c.

This destruction of such a vast quantity of corn and other provi. sions, as was sufficient for many years, was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, which consumed incredible numbers of Jews in Jerusa 1 in during its siege. Nor probally could the Romans have taken this ety, after all, had not these seditious Jews been so infatuated as thus maily to de troy, what Josephus here justly styles "The nerves of their power."

ternal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestic miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hope of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a mind flee away; for guards were set at all places, and the heads of the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert them, as their common enemies. They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded the other; nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon another, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open their lips in groans. Nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive, by their relations; nor was there any care taken of burial for those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that every one despaired of himself; for those that were not among the seditious, had no great desire of anything, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed; but for the seditious themselves, they fought against each other, while they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves; and when they had resolved upon any thing, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay, John abused the sacred materials, and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness: but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that fought him from the temple that was above him. He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over-against the west end of the cloisters, where alone he could erect them ; whereas, the other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters.

6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains

This timber, we see, was designed for the rebuilding those twenty additional cubits of the holy house above the hundred, which had fallen down some years before. See the note on Antiq, b. xv. ch. xi, sect. 3. § There being no gate on the west, and only on the west side of the court of the priests, and so no steps there, this was the only side that the seditious, under this John of Gischala, could bring their engines close to the cloisters of the court end-ways, though upon the floor of the court of Israel. See the scheme of that temple, in the description o the temples hereto belonging.

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