tive memory. If he liked anything, after once reading or hearing it, "it just seemed to stick." He delighted especially in poetry, and could repeat poems, that struck his fancy, after once hearing them. Shakespeare was his especial favorite. Early in the war, in company with a number of Cabinet officers he visited Fortress Monroe, and, on his way down the river, he sat for hours repeating from memory the finest passages of Shakespeare's works, page after page of Browning and whole cantos of Byron, to the intense surprise of his auditors. He was not a Latin scholar and was not ashamed to acknowledge his ignorance and he once stated that he had never read an entire novel in his life.

As the duties of his position began to weigh more heavily upon him and his trials and perplexities continued to increase, he came more and more to look to Divine Providence for aid and strength. Feeling the insufficiency of his own powers, and noting the perils which assailed the nation on every side, he early recognized the fact that there was no help in man, that God alone could rescue the nation by his providence. He not only possessed the true spirit of religion, but so far as possible he observed its requirements and ordinances. The following proclamation. in regard to the observance of the Sabbath by the army well illustrates this point.

"The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military and naval service. The importance to man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming defer

6

ence to the best sentiment of Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine Will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity. The discipline and character of the national forces should not suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperiled by the profanation of the day or name of the Most High. At the time of public distress,' adopting the words of Washington in 1776, 'men may find enough to do in the service of their God and their country, without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality.' The first general order ever issued by the Father of his Country,' after the Declaration of Independence, indicates the spirit in which our institutions were founded and should ever be defended: 'the General hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country.'"

CHAPTER XX.

THE approach of the national elections in the autumn of 1864 was viewed with grave apprehensions by patriotic men generally. The heated campaigns incident upon a general election always have a depressing effect upon trade and in many localities, especially where the opposing parties are of nearly equal strength, a spirit of rivalry and jealousy is engendered that sometimes leads to serious results. It is a trying ordeal for a country to pass through even when everything is in a normal condition. How much more trying, then, when in the midst of civil war, when business is interfered with, resources taxed to the uttermost and evil passions and distrust excited, in a struggle with a captious minority which was bitterly hostile to an administration whose every energy was engaged in the prosecution of the greatest war of the century. Every one realized that the coming election would be the severest test to which republican institutions had ever been subjected. Could they stand the test? Patriotic citizens hoped for the best but feared the worst, hence, as the season approached, a feeling of gloomy apprehension overspread the North and infected many of the leaders with a fear approaching a panic.

Meantime he, who was personally most interested

in the outcome of the election, seemed to be the least concerned in regard to its dangers. This was not because he was insensible to them but because he had an abiding faith in Providence and the American people and he believed that their better sense and the strength of the Constitution would triumph over all dangers. While he was anxious for a re-election and would have been deeply wounded if he had failed to receive it, he yet was ready to surrender his claims whenever the welfare of the country seemed to demand it. He desired a re-election both as showing the approval of his past actions by the people and to give him the opportunity of completing the arduous labors which had occupied his attention during his first term. He said to a friend, in speaking on the subject, before the Baltimore Convention, that "he was not quite sure whether he desired a renomination. Such had been the responsibilities of the office-so oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its perplexities that he felt as though the moment, when he could relinquish the burden and retire to private life, would be the sweetest he could possibly experience. But, he said, he would not deny that a re-election would also have its gratification to his feelings. He did not seek it, nor would he do so; he did not desire it for any ambitious or selfish purpose, but after the crisis the country was passing through under his Presidency, and the efforts he had made conscientiously to discharge the duties imposed upon him, it would be a very sweet satisfaction to him to know that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citi

1 Browne.

zens, and earned the highest testimonial of confidence they could bestow."

There was a strong opposition to his candidacy manifesting itself within the party. This opposition, which amounted almost to hostility, centred in Horace Greeley and his paper, the New York Tribune. This paper circulated widely through the rural districts and probably was more influential than any other paper published in America. Mr. Greeley believed that the war was being unnecessarily prolonged and that blood and treasure were being needlessly expended. He appealed again and again to the President, beseeching him to make peace by compromise or concession, anything to put an end to the war, which was exhausting the "poor, suffering, distracted country." Had his counsel been heeded the war would have been stopped on the verge of its triumphant issue; the country would have been divided and all the fruits of the terrible struggle would have been lost. But the Tribune went on its daily and weekly mission sowing the seeds of distrust and apprehension and doing much to enhance the difficulty of the situation. Mr. Greeley, however, was not the only prominent party-leader to withdraw his confidence. and support from the President. The seeds of disaffection were sown in his very Cabinet. Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, had long been ambitious to be Mr. Lincoln's successor. He had administered the affairs of the Treasury with signal ability. As a financier he had shown himself incomparable. Not Necker nor Calonne found greater problems to deal with than did Chase, and the European bankers met with failure where the American minister tri