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have tried not to lose for a single instant throughout this communication, that if unfortunately, Spain should cherish views with regard to our moral and forced submission to her influence, or of aggression upon our territory, or of isolated pretensions or in combination with other European powers, whichever they may be, and which have a tendency to alter in the least our institutions, Spain and her allies would have but one thing to hope for, now and always, from all Chileans-war, unceasing war, until the entire Republic were a mountain of ruin and her people en masse an immense cemetery.
Judge these events dispassionately, Mr. Editor, bringing to bear the public documents which refer to them, and this brief review of the private, or, if you will, mysterious part of them, and putting your hand upon your heartthe heart of a loyal and honorable Spaniard-declare if there is any cause, pretext or excuse whatever, for this war between two nations of the same origin, the same asscciations, and the same religion.
In the meantime, it is not for me to say what Chili will do in this contest, to which, without any desire or fault of hers, she has been provoked.
I will only permit myself, before concluding, to simply ask-having made evident the fact that this war ought not to be that it is without justification or possible excuse what is the object which Spain has in view in carrying it on ?
I understand that there may be, even in this age, wars without cause or motive, and with no other foundation than the abuse of power. But although I understand that, Mr. Editor, I cannot possibly imagine the existence, in these times, of a war without an object.
What does Spain pretend? Does she covet conquests, mercantile franchises, influences, political or purely social like those which England proposes to wrest from Japan with the canon, and Spain and France united from CochinChina? No! Nothing like that has the Spanish Government in view, because in truth it would be to insult her deeply to suppose that by such means she should propose to accomplish those ends in the present stage of civilization and the law of nations. Spain, then, rendering full homage to her good faith, simply proposes the revindication of her honor and the respect of her subjects in those distant countrics.
I have already clearly shown that that honor has not been offended in the least, and that that respect to Spanish subjects has been accorded in Chili, not from fear of Spain, certainly, but from innate love towards her, to the utmost limits of the most generous hospitality.
But I am willing to admit, for a moment, that Chili was guilty of one or the other fault. Was the course pursued by Pinzon, Mazarredo and Pareja the one which ought to lead to a satisfactory solution of the difficulty-to secure the noble ends which the Cabinet of Madrid had in view? Certainly not. On the contrary, the very opposite to that which they claimed should have been the result. Facts are proving it.
Mr. Tavira, in threatening notes, asked explanations from our Government, showing, in support of his haughtiness, the mouths of the cannons of his fleet. Nevertheless, the Chilian Government, without descending from its dignity, neither in its actions nor in its language, satisfied these diplomatic exactions fully and under the faith of the Spanish Government itself, through her exacting
These explanations cast aside as insufficient, Admiral Pareja, instead of demanding others more satisfactory, as he appears to have been authorized to do by his ostensible powers, (explanations which Chili could still have given, without injury to her honor), sent an ultimatum, which is the last word of rations before the voice of the cannon. Did she succeed thus in her object? Quite the oontrary, as you well know.
Subsequently, he declared a blockade of all our ports, as a means of pressure. Has he progressed thus in his plans? The declaration of war was our reply.
And, now, what more can he do? Bombard our ports, as he vaguely insinuates in his last dispatch to the English Minister in Chili. But in case of such barbarity, would he have the right to condemn the inevitable reprisal on our part?
Will Spain send new ships? Will she send troops for disembarkation? Will she drain her treasury and her best blood in expeditions much more distant than those of Santo Domingo ? And in the meantime, Chili, who needs assistance from no one to enable her to live and fight, will maintain her ground to a man, and the object of the war will never be attained.
Behold then, Mr. Editor-a war impossible of success on account of its causes, which had hardly authorized a diplomatic rupture, and which is going to be impossible in the attainment of its object.
And with regard to the weakness of Chili, for which you yourself, Mr. Editor, have asked, within my remembrance-doubtless, with the best intentions-a "little compassion," permit me to say a word, which will certainly not be a boast.
There is one force relative, and another intrinsic, possessed by all nations. Of the former, all the advantages are in favor of Chili, on account of the distance, the stormy seas, the high price of provisions, the scarcity of spoil in her waters, all the prerogatives, in fact, natural to a country which carries on a war in her own territory against one which comes to attack her from a distance of three thousaud leagues.
But Chili certainly relies more upon herself, upon her intrinsic strength than upon these accidents, which to a certain extent are extraneous.
She relies upon her credit intact, and which stands highest in the markets of Europe. She relies upon the homogeneousness of her race and the political unity of all her inhabitants. She relies upon the valor always shown by her sons, upon those facile means which maritime law sanctions, and by which the weakest people may carry destruction and ruin to the very heart of the strongest. She relies upon the indomitable patriotism of her sons, who, in fifty years, have raised themselves from the most miserable colony of Spain to the most flourishing Republic of that part of the New World; and lastly, upon the justice of her cause, recognized, in the most explicit manner, solemnly and unanimously, by the impartial representatives of all the countries mutually friendly to Spain and Chili, and perhaps more friendly to the former than to the latter.
Judge, then, Mr. Editor, if Admiral Pareja is likely to succeed in the object of this war, which he alone has brought about, and which he alone expects to bring to an end by the right of might.
Do you know how that Republic has replied to the threat of war which Pareja has intimated with his four ships? By ordering the prolongation of telegraph lines
throughout the Republic, the opening of immense highways, the completion of four or six lines of railroad in actual construction, the abolition of all taxes, and above all, by unanimously rejecting in Congress, (where the writer held an honorable place,) a law confiscating the property of Spaniards, at the very moment when the Spanish ships were confiscating all the Chilian property which they found within their reach.
Let the Spanish nation reflect upon what is passing in those distant seas-let the Government open its eyes to the light, the clear light of facts, and not to the obscure and false light of mysterious acts and deceptive intrigues -and she will see that if a profound and immediate change does not take place in her policy towards these people, an immense abyss opens before her future. This is not a threat, Mr. Editor. Heaven grant it may not be sad prophecy!
In the meantime, I have fulfilled, to the best of my ability, the promise which I made to you at the beginning of this letter-to speak only the truth of this deplorable affair.
To you and your colleagues of the press, who have done rare but honorable justice to our people, it is given to judge them as you see fit, inasmuch as I do not impose these revelations upon you, although faithful and wellmeant, as a rule of conduct, nor upon the press, nor upon the people of the Spanish Government.
With sentiments of distinguished consideration, your most obedient servant,
BENJAMIN VICUÑA MACKENNA.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
GRAND MEETING IN THE COOPER INSTITUTE,
JANUARY 6, 1866.
IN DEFENCE OF THE REPUBLICS OF
Chili, Peru, Mexico and Saint Domingo.
From the New York Times of January 7, 1866.
Quite a large meeting, all things considered, was held last night in the large hall of the Cooper Institute, for the avowed purpose of reaffirming the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, and of expressing a sympathy with the feebler and struggling Republics of the Continent. The hall was appropriately decorated with bunting and transparencies. On a strip of cloth, stretched across the front of the platform, were the words, "Heroic Santo Domingo, Chili, Peru, Mexico. If they have not conquered, they will conquer.” And on a draped transparency, the words, "Henry Winter Davis. His spirit lives with us to-night."
At eight o'clock, Mr. Squier, accompanied by W. C. Bryant, Peter Cooper, Edward E. Dunbar, Hon. Mr. Paston, and others, entered the hall, and were greeted with cheers.
Mr. Squier called the meeting to order, read the call, and nominated Mr. Bryant as President, with Messrs. Webb, Garrison, Jerome, Beekman, Cooper, Tieman, Leavitt, Walker, Greeley, Dunbar, Rosecrans, Paston, &c., as vice-presidents, and Messrs. Bell, Wheeler, and Anthon as Secretaries.