ject of the meeting, to give expression to the general, nay, universal, public sentiment, popularly known as the "Monroe Doctrine," meets my unqualified approval. Let the sentiment find expression on every convenient occasion, and through every practicable medium.

It has been assailed on both continents of the Western hemisphere, and it is high time it were authoritatively asserted.

Very respectfully,

HORACE MAYNARD.

Hon. E. G. SQUIER, Chairman.

FROM HON. SAMUEL J. RANDALL, OF PENNSYLVANIA. PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 1, 1866.

Messrs. Squier, Viele, Poston, Duganne and Wheelock, Committee, etc. :

GENTLEMEN: Your invitation to be present and address a public meeting in New York City, on the 6th of January next, called for the purpose of vindicating the Monroe Doctrine, has been received.

I regret that my official duties will prevent its accept

ance.

I have always supported the doctrine you wish to maintain, and have so voted in Congress. I am prepared to use all constitutional means to carry it into practical force and effect, and assume any responsibility which may arise

therefrom.

I am, gentlemen, your obt. servant,

SAMUEL J. RANDALL..

FROM. IION. JAMES H. LANE, U. S. SENATOR FROM KANSAS.

WASHINGTON, Wednesday, Dec. 25, 1865.

GENTLEMEN: Your valued favor was duly received; and in answer, I regret to say previous engagements_will prevent me from attending. This I much regret, as I am on the record as an advocate of a firm and decided policy

in regard to resisting the great conspiracy of imperialism to overthrow our republican form of government on this continent. And it would give me more than usual pleasure, in such a presence as that of a New York audience, to denounce the foreign despots who dared first to seduce part of our people from the path of duty, and then, in the midst of our national troubles, to plant their iron heel on the neck of our feeble and distressed sister Republic, Mexico. You may rely on me in every contingency in the future for peace or war.

LETTER FROM MAJ.-GEN. MUSSEY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 5, 1866.

Hon. E. GEO. SQUIER &c., New York.

MY DEAR SIR: I am very reluctantly compelled at this last moment to decline your invitation to attend the meeting at Cooper Institute to-morrow.

I regret this the more as I am thoroughly in sympathy with what I understand to be the object of the meeting, a public declaration, to wit: of the American belief that the New World is for Republics, and that it is the duty of the United States to enunciate and maintain this belief.

Since the triumphant success of the United States in the late rebellion, republicanism is no longer an open question.

The Revolutionary War showed that a Republic could assert itself against a Monarchy and acquire independence; the war of 1812 showed that it could maintain that independence as against outsiders; the late war has shown that it can maintain it as against the turbulence and sedition of the malcontents of its own citizens, aided by the moral and material sympathy of allied France and England. And to every thinker the demonstration is overwhelming that a "People's Government" is the most beneficent in Peace, the most powerful in War, and the most secure against Treason.

This success has brought its duty with it for us to per

form, and it is a duty which we cannot honorably neglect or evade.

We must assert the truth we have proved, must defend it when assailed, and encourage it when of feeble growth. "This should be our Foreign policy." Anything else misrepresents us and dishonors us. If necessary, we should maintain this belief with arms. But I do not think any nation is foolish enough to court war with us, and our request will, in nearly every case be tantamount to a command, and when we do command we shall be obeyed.

For no monarchy can afford to go to war with a Republic, demanding the recognition of republic principles -since our national success has weakened every throne and strengthened every democratic yearning of the masses, upon whom thrones are built. And though kings and parliaments may order war, it is the people who carry the muskets and pay the taxes, and the people of no monarchy that could engage in war with us would submit to the burdens of a war against their and our cause.

If we are true to ourselves we shall have no wars upon this account. The moral sympathy of the Government and the material aid of our citizens, united, will give to us peace, and to republicanism all the support it needs.

Believe me very truly your friend,

R. D. MUSSEY,

Major-General.

Mr. Squire then read the following resolutions :

RESOLUTIONS.

Whereas, It was early declared, with a solemnity becoming the enunciation of a great principle, by a President of the United States, whose title to immortality and the gratitude of mankind was secured by its annunciation, that the American Continents, by the free and independent positions which they had assumed and maintained, were thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European Power, and that any attempt by European Powers to" extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere would be considered as dangerous to our peace and safety; and Whereas, it

was equally declared that any interposition by any European Power, for the purpose of oppressing the Republics of America, whose independence the United States had, with great consideration and just principles, acknowleged, or for the purpose of, in any way, controling their destinies, would be viewed as the manifestations of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States; and Whereas, in open contempt of the principles thus early laid down, France has interfered to oppress our sister Republic of Mexico and to control its destiny against the choice of its people; and Whereas, Spain has interfered to extend her system over Hayti, and is now interfering to oppress the Republics of Chili and Peru; therefore,

Resolved, That the United States is bound, by her traditions, by every consideration of honor and dignity, by her plighted faith to the Republics of America, for the sake of her safety, peace, prosperity and renown, to vindicate the great principles enunciated by Munroe, in all parts of this continent, and to establish, if necessary, by force of arms, that America belongs to Americans, and is consecrated to republican institutions.

Resolved, That by the promulgation of the "Monroe Doctrine," and its constant indorsement, we have assumed a responsibility towards our sister republics, and an obligation to defend and protect them which it would be cowardly and dishonorable to neglect or repudiate.

Resolved, That we deplore with heartfelt sorrow the sudden death of that accomplished statesman and noble and eloquent champion of republican freedom and human progress, Hon. Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, who had engaged to speak to us to-night; and we here reassert the language and sentiments of the resolution carried by him. unanimously through the House of Representatives, in the Winter of 1864: "The United States are unwilling by their silence to leave the nations of the world under the impression that they are indifferent spectators of the deplorable events now transpiring in the republic of Mexico, and that they therefore think fit to declare that it does not accord with the policy of the United States to acknowledge any monarchical government erected on the ruins of any republican government in America under the auspices of any European Power."

REMARKS OF MR. TOMLINSON.

Mr. Tomlinson, after alluding briefly to the death of Mr. Davis, traced the progress of Republicanism from the West to the East, and showed in terms of bitterness the conduct of Europe and the continent toward the United States during her recent struggle. I regret, said he, that the grave has taken one who could enlighten you on these matters, but I am glad that the first meeting in the advancement of this great cause is held in this metropolis. History shows us that on all great questions great men are timid. Cabinet ministers and high officials wait till the common people speak, and then are ever glad to ride them. It's the picket who first meets the shock of battle, and it may be a proud hour for you, that you are here in the first of this movement when few distinguished men are present to address you. I want to say a few words on international law. There is no such thing as international law, because there is no arbiter of law. The conscience of the people is the arbiter. Who was it that expressed the international law when the Collossus of the East, Russia, stretched its hand to take the sick man Turkey from his bed? The express messengers were Campbell and Pellissier, and our express messengers to Maximilian will be McClellan, Grant and Sherman. [Applause.] Now we hear that our Secretary of State has gone on a voyage to the South, and probably will say to Maximilian, the thousand things that would not look well on paper, for diplomacy, you know, is not always that which can be put on record. It won't do for us to permit the planting of any monarchy on our shores. There are morarchists enough among us now who despise our institutions, and would gladly hail any attempt to institute such a government here. In regard to the Fenian question, I will not discuss its propriety or impulses: the latter are right. But if I could say anything to Great Britain, I should say, beware, beware. If you encourage France to establish a monarchy in Mexico, the green flag of Ireland shall float above the Irish shore. [Applause. A voice-"Oh, nonsinse."]

Mr. Squier then read the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the Republic of Chili, by her dignity, firmness, and courage, as well as by her moderation and the justice of her cause, in her contest with Spain,