author of the Institutes of Metaphysic with that of the author of the Principia;-this approach to the pinnacles of truth'-with the two or three shells, brighter than common, picked up upon the shores of the boundless sea. The system' certainly grinds up' opponents in this wise that nobody is allowed to stand before it. In its defence disingenuous criticism is insinuated even against Sir W. Hamilton: I am quite aware of what Sir William Hamilton thought of my contributions to metaphysical science. To tell the truth, he thought very little of themat least, he said so. He thought, or at least he pronounced, them little better than failures. The confidence of private conversation is violated for the sake of a favourable contrast with Hegel : Concerning the other doctrine attributed to Hegel, on the authority of Mr. Morell, in regard to the union of two contradictories in knowledge, I have just to state that I have conversed on this point with Mr. Morell himself, when he owned that he did not understand one word of all that Hegel had written about knowledge being a union of contradictories, but that he perfectly understood this doctrine as expounded in my work. We do not know how far Mr. Morell will enjoy the proclamation to the world that he confesses himself ignorant of a philosophy which he has at considerable length endeavoured to explain. At all events, we think the acknowledgment should have come from the same source as the attempted exposition. Mr. Ferrier greatly piques himself on his nationality. My philosophy is Scottish to the very core; it is national in every fibre and articulation of its frame.' The extraordinary language which he delights to employ, may therefore be forgiven on the ground that he does not understand the precise meaning of English words. We certainly hope so; for such a vocabulary of abuse we have never seen in print, since Priestley's savage attack on Reid, at a time when courtesy was little observed in controversial writing. 'Obtuseness and malignity;' 'croakers and canters;' 'vile expedients, employed to accomplish the ends of fanaticism;' tallowbrained materialists;' 'fabrications;' 'well-lubricated fictions;' are some among the gentle expressions with which these pages abound. Of his ablest critic all that Mr. Ferrier says is, that he cannot be charged with either malignity or dishonesty ;' while he thus writes of an unsuccessful rival: On an occasion lately, when some people were inquiring what particular claims my excellent friend and fellow in defeat, Principal Scott of Manchester, had to the Logic chair, some one said, 'Oh, don't you know; Mr. Scott exercises the most prodigious personal influence over serious-minded females!' on which, thought I, what an effect must he not produce upon the light-headed ones ! It is quite alarming to think of. Mr. Scott, as well as Mr. Morell, has some reason, we think, to pray for deliverance from such friendship as this. Lastly, we present our readers with an example of the lofty feelings which influence Professorial elections in Edinburgh. A certain Mr. Cairns appears to have criticised the Institutes in a hostile spirit, and with damaging effect. His reasons for so doing, as insinuated by Mr. Ferrier, were as follows: At an evening party at Sir William Hamilton's, some twelve or thirteen years ago, the conversation having happened to turn on the subject of animal magnetism, Mr. Cairns professed his readiness to be experimented upon. After a very few passes made by Sir William, he was laid over in what appeared to be a trance, during which he poured forth a rhapsody of nonsense about everything and nothing. I, never doubting that the whole thing was a joke, and that Mr. Cairns was a bit of a wag, laughed at the performance. When I was informed that it was quite a serious affair, and that Mr. Cairns was no joker of jokes, I confess that I laughed still more,-being satisfied in my own mind that he was either an impostor, or one of those specimens of our species whose condition truly is no laughing matter. I may, possibly, have shown my appreciation of the exhibition too obviously-I hope, however, that I did not-for that would have been bad But I never had any quarrel with Mr. Cairns: he is quite right there. manners. An unfortunate ebullition of merriment, bearing, after the lapse of many years, disastrous fruit in the Mr. loss of the desired chair. Ferrier's insinuation may be wellfounded; Mr. Cairns may be afflicted with a vindictive memory. But, in our judgment, to have been influenced by such motives is hardly more discreditable than to have imputed them. We had marked various other passages of pretentious egotism and unmeasured abuse, but enough has been quoted for our purpose. We are willing to make every allowance for the irritation of defeat. A man oppressed with a high estimate ofhimself must wince to think that he has condescended to solicitation of grocers and tailors, and condescended in vain. Still Mr. Ferrier tries our indulgence hard. Rude speech and angry feelings may be forgiven to those who enter upon the rough struggles of politics; but literature should be kept free from such a taint. On the other hand, while Mr. Ferrier's temper must be gravely condemned, it is the system which is the head and front of the offending. No one distinguished in science or philosophy should be compelled to undergo the ordeal of a canvass. Such an unbecoming humiliation, hardly borne for a short time, leads infallibly to a reaction at the end. Seldom, we may hope, will it lead to an explosion like that which lies before us; but the system is bad, and its tendencies are surely for evil, even though that evil rarely assumes such an aggravated form as in the present instance. We are not fearful that a similar exhibition will readily take place at Oxford. We should feel, however, more secure of this were no Professors elected by Convocation. That body is just as bad a repository of Professorial patronage as the Edinburgh Town Council. It must be approached by the same undignified solicitation. In its members, as in honourable councillors, no man of eminence will respect competent judges of his merit. It is equally exposed to local jealousies-to the intrigues of unscrupulous rivalry. Being composed mainly of ecclesiastics, it is controlled even in a greater degree by the worst of all influences that of religious partizanship. The elected of such a body can command no respect-the rejected will-at Oxford as else -- 641 where-console themselves, and discredit the University, by imputations, if not published to the world at large, at least freely expressed in the world of the University, of ignorance, of narrow-minded prejudice, or of sectarian preference. All who are acquainted with the secrets of convocation know how easily these allegations might be illustrated. But a very short time has elapsed since an election to the Professorship of Poetry sank into a mere squabble between church parties. Many have been the critical occasions on which reformers have been induced to observe a silence more prudent than conscientious from a desire to be considered 'safe men' by convocation. The one merit possessed by such methods of electionis, that the constituencies are large, and the proceedings public. It is the rare felicity of Oxford to have invented a system in which the evils we have pointed out are not relieved by even this solitary excellence. Several of the most important chairs at that University are filled up by a small knot of dignitaries, presumed from their position to be above all petty influences-in reality, ruled by such influences to an extent hardly credi ble. Here, too, we have the same canvassing, though on a smaller scale. We have the same suscepti bility to local gossip. We have the same sectarianism, the same bigotry, and far greater ignorance. For in appointments by convocation the majority only of the electors are notoriously incompetent to estimate the merits of the candidates: the system we are now considering ingeniously contrives that, excepting the providential chance of an able Proctor, all the electors shall labour under this incapacity. Every one is well aware that the head of a house, elected by the Fellows to discharge very peculiar duties, will rarely prove a man of great intellectual power, and still more rarely of liberality and sense. The principal qualifications for this office are social accomplishments sufficient to constitute the 'Don;' mediocre talents sufficient to constitute the safe man'-a character in whom unwillingness to do mischief is necessarily accompanied by 6 impotence to do good. Moreover, these heads' are always resident in Oxford, and are therefore swayed by all the miserable common-room gossip, which constantly floats about, regarding peculiarities of conduct or opinion. It may be right that men of this stamp should be selected for duties of this description. But they should be content with their dignified and well-paid functions. There is no reason why they should be the dispensers of the most important patronage possessed by the University. At this very moment, the Chair of Moral Philosophy has been kept vacant for nearly a year, owing to the incompetence or prejudice of the electors. It is somewhat too absurd that such men as the late ViceChancellor and the Presidents of St. John's and Magdalen should be considered capable of determining who is the ablest metaphysician in Oxford. The first of these dignitaries is understood to believe that this merit is to be found in an individual who has lately distinguished himself by publishing, under the form of Notes to Aristotle's Ethics, a combination of philosophy, such as even the jovial Aldrich would have despised, with the worst echolarship which has disgraced Oxford since the days of Boyle.* The other officials who have a voice in this appointment are the Proctors and the Dean of Christchurch. The Dean of Christchurch is nominated by the Crown, and will generally be equal to his duties. But what manner of men the Proctors may be is a matter decided only by the chances of routine. It may be difcult to change even such a system as this where it already exists; but, at all events, it is in our power to guard against its extension. Government should, beyond doubt, be intrusted with all such patronage. The Crown has no petty interests to serve-can seldom have any wish to elect other than the best men; is generally above sectarianism; is absolutely removed from the influence of local scandal or local jealousies. It requires no personal canvass; and a defeat, therefore, brings with it no bitterness arising from having unduly solicited, no egotistical self-assertion arising from having submitted to the judgment of a tribunal the competency of which is disputed. It will be objected that this power, being vested in the Crown, would prove destructive to the independence of the University. We have heard something too much lately about this independence. The importance of preserving it may be measured by the good which it has produced. Since the days of Laud, Oxford has been less controlled by the Crown than any other University in any country in Europe. The result of this for many years was a gloom and a torpor like that of the Arctic winter night; and even now there prevails at Oxford, especially amongst the seniors, a spirit of indifferentism -an absence of high aspiration, and of sustained endeavour, singularly unbecoming at a time when literary interests are every day growing into greater favour throughout society. The University has been left to itself so long that the atmosphere which she breathes has stagnated around her. As a place for giving a tone to the mind and the character, Oxford is invaluable; for there the best-trained and bestbred young men in England meet, and, by constant intercourse, unconsciously discipline each other. But as independent'-as a place allowed entirely to regulate itself -and to afford such education as may seem to it good, its influences can only be for evil both upon its own members, and upon that limited portion of the external world which is affected by them. If we look closely at the use which has been made of independence,' we shall find that with the single exception of instituting examinations some years ago, Oxford has at no time The new Vice-Chancellor is understood not to share in this singular predilection. A new election has therefore been attempted since the above was in type. An equal division of the electors was, as before, the result. For this contingency there is no provision; and thus Oxford continues, and seems likely long to continue, without a Professor of Moral Philosophy, and this, too, at a time when the study of that subject is daily advancing in the University. So much for the patronage of these oligarchies. 1856.] Want of a Minister of Education. taken any steps to foster a healthier and more active spirit. What, till the eye of Parliament fell upon the University two years ago, were the characteristics of Fellowship elections ?-what was the scope of Oxford teaching P-what the stamp of Oxford teachers? In the long roll of her instructors, almost every name of which she can justly boast has come to her from the discerning patronage of the Crown. Strike the Regius Professors from the list, and there will remain but a dreary catalogue of names undignified by reputation. The case, if fairly stated, would, we fear, stand thus: Oxford wishes to be independent, in order that she may continue to be corrupt. It can hardly be necessary to meet the objection that the Crown would in these appointments be influenced by unworthy motives. Public opinion has increased in power since the days when Lord Bute could refuse a Professorship to the author of the Elegy in a Country Churchyard, in order to bestow it upon the tutor of his son-in-law. The exercise of all such patronage is carefully watched. Nothing strengthens a Ministry more than conscientious conduct with regard to it; nothing can be so damaging as suspicions of the contrary. This fear is now seldom expressed as an argument against Crown nominations; we believe that it is never really entertained. The danger of corrupt appointments is altogether chimerical; the risk of careless appointments we may hope soon to see removed by the creation of a Minister of Education. This measure would of course be received with exclamations against 'centralization,' and with abuses of a mysterious something called 'bureaucracy,' which nobody can explain or pronounce. We are no friends to State interference. Nothing can be more odious than a meddling Government, which instructs its subjects what to eat, drink, and avoid. England has never been able to endure such, and we hope she may at no future time be compelled to learn the lesson. But we are acquainted with no rational exposition of the functions of Government from which education is excluded. Even if the re 643 pression of crime be esteemed the sole duty of an executive, education must find a place among the means chosen to this end, and a chief place too, if prevention be thought better than cure. We have lately been given a Minister who is to care for our bodies; why should we be compelled to bear unaided the weight of caring for our minds? Of course nothing will be done to-morrow, nor, perhaps, the next day. For some time to come, the Committee of the Privy Council will go on helping those who help themselves, and are not too proud to endure control. The Civil Service Commissioners will add the terrors of an examination to the difficulty of obtaining a Government appointment; the Indian Directors and the Board of Control will continue to exhibit the competitive system worked in the best manner we have yet seen; and, to crown all, Lord John Russell will yearly renew barren resolutions in Parliament which everybody agrees to, compliments, and disregards. All these various fragments of what should be a general system of education will persevere in their own way, regardless of, and possibly inconsistent with, each other; just as, till the war broke out, our military affairs were managed by some half-dozen various departments;- but when the whole affair has reached the requisite magnitude of confusion and contradiction, we shall have a Minister of Education at last. Meanwhile, the Commissioners have it in their power to achieve a not unimportant good. They may find it advisable to make no change with regard to existing chairs. But let them vest in the Crown the patronage of all those which they are about to establish. The direct benefits of such a step will be, that the best men will be appointed without canvassing or intriguing-that we shall see no longer such disproportion in calibre between electors and candidates as we now see at Oxford-that such bursts of temper as are manifest in Mr. Ferrier's pamphlet will not occur; while, indirectly, the consequences of the measure will advance the cause of education to an extent which the casual observer can hardly at present anticipate. THE FRIENDS. AN EPISODE OF ITALIAN LIFE. CHAPTER I.-1847. IT T was Midsummer night in the year 1847. The moon shone brightly on the Piazza del Duomo at Florence. It lit with a pale glory the Campanile, while it left in deep shadow the vast cathedral beside it; and seen under this aspect a fanciful mind might have compared the graceful Bell Tower and massive Duomo to some fair erect Una, with her tawny couchant lion crouched near her. Two young men were walking up and down the Piazza, engaged in earnest conversation. Their feet trod at intervals beside the stone placed to commemorate the spot where Dante sate in the cool of evening meditating on his ungrateful Florence; and they seldom passed without a glance those two grave and colossal figures which sit side by side throned on their marble chairs, and look the guardian spirits of the place. Andrea Peruzzi and Ernesto Morosini were Tuscans. Both well born and well educated, a great similarity in tastes and pursuits, spite of a broad difference in opinion, bound them in the closest intimacy. Andrea's calm and serious disposition, added to his five years' seniority, gave him a feeling of parental tenderness for the high-spirited and ardent Ernesto, and Ernesto felt the most enthusiastic esteem for Andrea. They had lately undertaken a pedestrian tour through Italy, and during this expedition Andrea had saved the life of Ernesto at the peril of his own; and the tie between them was strengthened by all the force of this circumstance. There is no spot in Florence which contains more glorious recollections than this,' said Ernesto; ' and I cannot forget that the magnificent monuments which are concentrated here are the stone archives of the Republic. Have we not a proof too, here, of the eternity of art? Arnolfo, Ghiberti, Brunelleschi, reign supreme as when they first wrought out their marvellous conceptions. What else has endured? Past the glory! past the wealth! past the freedom!" 'And past the Art also,' said another young man who joined them at this moment, and who had heard their last words. 'Nay, not while Florence still possesses such an artist as you, Gaetano.' Thanks, Ernesto; but what say you, Andrea ?' 'I think,' said the elder of the two men he had joined, 'that not one star of that bright galaxy-freedom, glory, art-can shine alone. You are a great artist, Gaetano; so are Bartolini and Tenerani; but it is not the less_true that art in Italy is no more. Be assured that growth both in the individual and the State is manifold; progress is various. If you train and strengthen one muscle alone, at the expense of the others, you may create a prodigy for a time, but the vitality of the whole system is weakened. Health and wellbalanced strength depend on the judicious development and exercise of the entire body.' 'I agree with you, Dottore Andrea,' said Gaetano. "Perfect health in man,' continued Andrea, is shown by activity and cheerfulness; so progress in art, wealth, institutions, shows a healthy people. Look at England.' 'I do not agree with your Anglomania; I say, look at France,' said Ernesto, impatiently. France appears to me in a factitious state, returned Andrea; 'the appearance of health and strength produced by the use of stimulants. In her polity there is a tendency to fever, plethora, apoplexy. Spain alternates between paralysis and spasm; Russia is at present asphyxiated by the fumes of despotism, but she will shortly pass into the next stage of the disease, -mischievous delirium tremens.' 'And Austria ?' * Statues of Arnolfo and Brunelleschi, |