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and monied men, among whom we distinguish the names of Marlborough, Somerset, Newcastle, and Godolphin, as well as of the principal merchants in the city.*

On the defeat of the intended invasion, the services of Marlborough and Godolphin received due praise from the nation at large; one for his judicious disposition of the military force, and the other for the vigour and wisdom of the internal government.

The spirited address presented by the Commons to the queen conveys full testimony to their merits, and a censure no less strong on "those persons, who, by endeavouring to create divisions and animosities, lessen the just esteem which your majesty entertains for those who have so eminently, and in so distinguished a manner, commanded your armies, and managed your treasure, to the honour and glory of your majesty abroad, and the entire satisfaction of your people at home."

The language of the peers, on the contrary, manifested the spirit of jealousy and suspicion, which the Whig chiefs still fostered against the general and treasurer, and proved that they were no less eager to recommend the merits of their own party to the royal notice, than to concur in the applause of the nation. After congratulating the queen on the disappointment of the enemy, and professing their zeal and loyalty, they held up to her detestation those who had recently endeavoured to misrepresent the actions of her best and most faithful subjects, and conjured her to exclude them in future from her presence. They concluded with expressing their opinion, that her majesty should principally depend upon, and encourage those who had been, ever since the Revolution, most steady and firm to the interest of the late king, and of her majesty, during her happy reign.

The reply of the queen is conveyed in language which she had never before employed, and was ill in unison with her private sentiments. Instead of the cautious silence which she had hitherto maintained respecting the Revolution, or its abettors, she now adopted the style in which she had been addressed. After deprecating party distinctions, she de

* Tindal and the other historians; History of Europe for 1708; Lockhart's Papers, vol. i. which contain much interesting information on this subject; Journals of the Lords and Commons.

clared her obligation "to place her chief dependence on those who had given such repeated proofs of the greatest warmth and concern, for the support of the Revolution, the security of her own person, and the Protestant succession."

In the speech with which she closed the session, she assumed a still more decisive tone. After thanking the parliament for their liberal and timely supplies, she observed, "I take these to be such undeniable proofs of your zeal and affection to my service as must convince every body of your doing me the justice to believe, that all which is dear to you is perfectly safe under my government, and must be irrecoverably lost, if ever the designs of a Popish pretender, bred up in the principles of the most arbitrary government, should take place."*

Such expressions sufficiently display the fear which the queen conceived of the Whigs, as well as the necessity she felt of yielding to the impulse of public opinion, and may serve as a proof of the change which recent events had produced in the character of the administration. This memorable answer closed the business of the session; for the parliament was prorogued the same day, and on the 15th of April dissolved, a short time before it would have expired, by the lapse of three years.

We cannot close our narrative of these transactions without adverting to an incident which seems to have arisen out of the struggle for the dismission of Harley, and which, though of minor importance in itself, materially affected the feelings and interest of the Duke of Marlborough.

Mortified at the increasing influence which Mrs. Masham appeared to enjoy, the duchess continually persecuted the queen with reproaches and remonstrances, both in person and by letter. Finding that her ill-judged efforts, instead of lessening, increased the affection of the queen for the new favourite, she adopted the resolution of withdrawing from court. She waited on her royal mistress, a few days before the dismission of Harley, and after a preamble, which was frequently interrupted by the violence of her emotions, she added, "As Lord Marlborough is now about to be forced * Journals.

† One of these indecorous altercations is recorded by the duchess in ber Conduct, p. 244.

from your majesty's service, I cannot, in honour, remain any longer at court." She then expatiated, as usual, on her own services, and on the friendship which the queen had condescended to entertain for her; and as a recompence, concluded with requesting permission to resign her offices in favour of her two elder daughters, who from their rank, alliance, and character, were well calculated to merit such a favour.

After listening with seeming embarrassment to this long appeal, the queen evaded compliance, by affecting much kindness, and repeating, "You and I must never part." The duchess, however, was not diverted from her purpose, and renewed her solicitations, that if circumstances should render her retreat necessary, her majesty would comply with this request. The queen, pressed by her importunities, and intimidated by the presence of a person whom she equally feared and disliked, renewed the declaration, "that they should never part." But added, should that even be the case, she would transfer the offices to two of her daughters; and did not hesitate to bind that promise by a solemn asseveration. The duchess took her leave, kissing the queen's hand; and after the duke and Godolphin had succeeded in extorting the dismission of Harley, the queen yielded to her continued applications, by confirming in writing the promise which had been verbally given. Still, however, the duchess had reason to feel that her attendance was unwelcome; and on the departure of her husband to the Continent, she wrote a letter, expressing her resolution not to incommode the queen by her presence, but artfully recalled to recollection the promise which she had before extorted.*

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"March 31. - Madam; upon Lord Marlborough's going into Holland, I believe your majesty will neither be surprised nor displeased, to hear I am gone into the country, since by your very hard and uncommon usage of me, you have convinced all sorts of people, as well as myself, that nothing would be so uneasy to you as my near attendance. Upon this account, I thought it might not be improper, at my going into the country, to acquaint your majesty, that even while Lord Marlborough continues in your service, as well as when he finds himself obliged to leave it, if your majesty thinks fit to dispose of my employments, according to the solemn assurances you have been pleased to give me, you shall meet with all the submission and acknowledgments imaginable."†

* From a narrative manuscript of the duchess, beginning —“ Some days before my Lord Marlborough," &c. Conduct, p. 254. † From a copy in the handwriting of the duchess.

It is needless to expatiate on the disgust which this illtimed application and imprudent importunity produced. The queen and the duchess never met without sullen silence or bitter reproaches; and never wrote without ironical apologies or contemptuous taunts. The effects of these female jars, arising from offended dignity on one hand, and disappointed ambition on the other, may be traced throughout the series of correspondence, and produced the most sinister effects on the administration of public affairs, by the perplexities into which they perpetually threw both the treasurer and general.

CHAP. LXVI.-PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN. - 1708.

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HOWEVER anxious to mature the preparations for the ensu ing campaign, and to join Eugene, who was impatiently expecting him at the Hague, Marlborough could not quit England, until the danger of invasion had ceased. He, therefore, took his departure on the 29th of March, o.s., before the close of the session, and after a speedy passage, reached the coast of Holland. He proceeded without delay, in an open boat, to the Brill, and on the morning of the second of April, appeared at the Hague, whence he wrote Secretary Boyle.

To Secretary Boyle.

"You will have heard by last post how well I was in making my passage hither, the next night after I left London. Since my arrival, my time has been wholly taken up in concerting with the prince of Savoy, and the generals and ministers. Yesterday we had a conference with the States-general, when the prince communicated to us two projects, for the operations on the Rhine, and Moselle. The latter seems to be most relished; but to put it in execution, the prince requires 80,000 men for the army in the Low Countries, which you may believe the states are not inclined to give. I must own, that according to the present juncture, we should be in a situation to act offensively on this side, that we may have an eye at the same time to our affairs in England, to deter the enemy from the thoughts of another invasion, which they might be inclined to, if we should weaken ourselves too much in Flanders. But the states are of opinion that the best way of hindering it, would be to keep a good squadron constantly before Dunkirk. The prince has insinuated to me, that he should be glad if I could accompany him to

Hanover, to concert with the elector; but I shall excuse myself, that I may get five or six days to come over, and inform the queen fully of the measures that shall have been taken, to which end I keep the yacht and convoy on this side."

With Eugene, Marlborough entered into a confidential communication on the state of foreign affairs, and the views of his sovereign. In these preliminary discussions, two points, in particular, occupied his attention, namely, the demands of the emperor, for the levy-money of the troops whom he had engaged to furnish; and the claims of the duke of Savoy on the Austrian court.

On the first head, Marlborough referred the discussion to the treasurer and the British cabinet, from a reluctance to acquiesce in demands which he deemed exorbitant, and an unwillingness to offend the emperor by a direct refusal.

The adjustment of the second point was still more delicate; for the duke of Savoy, on the one hand, demanded the immediate fulfilment of the treaty concluded in 1703, by which he was to receive part of the Montferrat, forfeited by the duke of Mantua, while the emperor delayed the investiture, under the pretence that the cession of the said territory would infringe the rights of the house of Loraine. Marlborough was particularly anxious to effect an accommodation, because the success of the campaign in Italy depended on the union of the two courts; and because his friends in England, especially the treasurer, made the conduct of the emperor the theme of perpetual invective, and censured him for continuing to rely on a prince, whose engagements had been so seldom fulfilled. With this view, Marlborough despatched General Palmes to Vienna and Turin; but his principal hopes of success rested on the mediation and influence of Eugene.

The result of their amicable negotiation was highly satisfactory. From Eugene he received assurances, that the emperor was gratified by the resolution of parliament to continue the war till the whole monarchy of Spain was restored to the house of Austria, and would faithfully redeem the pledges he had repeatedly given, in exerting his whole strength to promote the objects of the Grand Alliance. That the army on the Rhine should be increased to the amount of 20,000 men, with every requisite for action, by the

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