. constant display of inveterate enmity. Although it has been necessary, since the great event to which we allude, to indicate even to France, that while we ask nothing but what is right, we will submit to nothing that is wrong; yet there is in the heart of every American, a corner, in which smoulders at least, if not blazes, a flame on the altar long since raised in honor of our first, last, and only ally. It would be the height of ingratitude to forget, and the climax of meanness not to acknowledge our obligations, not only to such men as Lafayette, but also to his government. We do not, however, hesitate to add to these free acknowledgements, that France is fast putting herself out of the pale of our good wishes and our good offices. When there was a hope of the French Republic, our people were enthusiastic in their expressions of friendship and good will, and they mourned like an elder brother, over the fall of their fickle imitator. If now, having fallen into the hands of Napoleon the Little, France echoes the strain of his address of December last, and sustains him in the course that address indicates, then, is it time for America to look about her, and for France to calculate the value of our sympathy, when weighed against the interested connection which England has sought and obtained. We do not complain of that alliance per se, but if its object be truly unfolded, then we shall prepare, if we are wise, to take care of ourselves, as we have always done; and as the world knows full well, we can do. That England has wheedled France in their present transaction, there can be no doubt; and if other proof were wanting, the armaments sent out by the different parties, and other warlike preparations, would be a sufficient answer. While England parsimoniously gets 20,000. or 30,000 men in the field, and Parliament passes the foreign mercenary bill, France sends out an equal number of troops in every respect superior, and Napoleon calls out 150,000 more men, and contracts a loan of twenty millions of pounds. But in addition to all this, the French emperor makes to his newly formed English friends magnificent promises, which, we are satisfied, the nation he governs will not permit him to fulfill. Our relations with England have never been cordial. From the time the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock, there have been secret dissensions or open hostilities. Our people, our institutions, our country were at the first, treated with contempt. Nothing that was American, has, in their estimation, been even up to mediocrity. Neither our books, our orators, nor our statesmen were third rate. Our rights were trampled upon; in fact, in the estimation of England, we had no rights. Our treatment was worse than that of a bound boy at a wedding; but at length forbearance ceased to be a virtue, and a couple of wars taught John Bull the metal of which we were composed. They opened his eyes to a state of existing facts which he would gladly have ignored altogether. It is not necessary to condense the history of the United States, nor cite State papers to prove the constant situation of our political and diplomatic relations with England. Instances of insolent, overbearing, and ill-bred intermeddling are known to every citizen; and when, in the various mercantile transactions and connections of the countries, we would forget, a fresh outrage sharpens the memory. They object to the purchase of Louisiana; they assert the annexation of Texas to be a national disgrace; they declare the war with Mexico one of aggression, abhorred of God and man; they protest against the acquisition of Cuba in any manner; they sneer at the spirit of territorial extension in a republican country; loudly proclaim their abhorrence of such an aggrandizing sentiment in the nation; and then, as if to crown all, with the most consummate impudence, ask our sympathy and our cheers, in what we can't help considering an unnecessary war in the Crimea for territorial acquisition. But the war in the Crimea is progressing. Already eleven thousand widows in England weep over the battles of Alma and Inkermann; already the bones of many thousands of soldiers lie bleaching on the battle-fields; but still, the heading of the programme is, "Sebastopol not taken !" We confess to a feeling of malicious pleasure, when, after the boasting of the leading press of England, it turned out that "Sebastopol was not taken;" and after reading such braggadocio as that standing at the head of this article, we submit, that it was not in flesh and blood to forbear. "Our foes have had a forewarning with what sort of a people they will have to deal;" have they? Yea, verily. "Sebastopol not yet taken." "The fleet which has summered in the Baltic, can winter in the Gulf of Mexico," can it? Aye marry, good sirs. But "Sebastopol is not yet taken." So runs the last bulletin from the FieldMarshal, the Lord Raglan. "We have already checkmated, conquered, and despoiled our colossal antagonist, and that rapidly, silently, and easily," say the British press. How many thousand men lie cold and stiff, rotting in the mounds of the Crimea, and "Sebastopol not yet taken?" The threat then, is meant for Brother Jonathan, and it is we who hereafter, "need to speak with bated breath," for fear of a visit by the fleet which "summers" in the Baltic. It is the United States, which are next to have an experimental knowledge "of what metal you are made," and when that knowledge is communicated, France is to stand by and cry "encore !" All the envy of our growth as a nation; all the hatred of our success as a government; all the fear of our example to the world, of what men are capable; all the disgrace which two wars have heaped upon British arms, is now to be wiped off, and Russian servitude, doubtless, will be freedom to ours. Amid all their plans for humbling the power of the United States, and wreaking their vengeance upon their "transatlantic cousins," and while they are preparing to carry them into effect, let them remember that "Sebastopol is not yet taken." We repeat it therefore, that if there is in the United States, a feeling adverse to the Allies in the present war, that feeling is the result of causes within the control of England herself. The extracts at the head of this article, coming from the heads of the two nations, and from a leading journal, are not to be overlooked; and human nature is so constituted, that opposition engenders strife, and failure, under such circumstances, begets exultation. There need be no wonder that the people do not warmly sympathise with England in this contest. The hearts of millions of us were with Hungary and the Sultan, they are so now; but we are not to be bullied by the Allies to feign a sympathy we do not feel, or to applaud an act, of which we doubt the purity, as well as the disinterestedness. But it is time to view this matter seriously. Suppose Sebastopol to be taken, and a peace concluded upon terms advantageous or satisfactory to the Allies. Suppose Russia to be blocked up in her narrow inland seas, commercially and politically; and England and France, in effect, masters of Europe-what, with the present programme, is to be the next step? Having settled, as seemed to them best, the balance of power in Europe, do they now come to make similar arrangements for us? We warn them in time, that the people of the United States will not permit any such meddling in their affairs. If, when weak and disunited, such an attempt could combine and strengthen us, now such a pretension, by all the governments of Europe, would be folly. However, let the people awaken and look about themselves. A threat like that is not to be despised, even for its absurdity. Whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad. That there are causes of quarrel with England is not to be denied; and that those causes are of her own making, is equally cer tain. None are so implacable as those who have committed a wrong or an injury, and none are so tenacious of an opinion or position, as those who know it to be false and indefensible. It is therefore not improbable that England, knowing that alone defeat is certain, if she can really secure the alliance of France, may push some of her insolent pretensions to an extremity. We earnestly hope that a difficulty, such as we have presumed, may be averted; and although "thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel, just," yet success is in all cases commensurate to previous preparation. Now is the time to prepare for war, and Congress ought, instead of paying old State spoliation claims, make such a disbursement of the surplus in the treasury, as would insure security for the future. That, in case of a war, we should be an overmatch for all that could be sent against us, is certain; but it is well to be ready-foolhardiness is very far from true courage. We were pleased with the remarks of General Cass in the Senate on this question, and the country echoes the wisdom of his advice. We have already been warned, there is no reason that we should now be surprised. Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. RONDEAU EXTEMPORE. TO THE ACCOMPANIMENT OF A CHIME OF BELLS. TOL de rol, tol de rol, (merrily,) The Allies took Sebastopol, Sebastopol, Sebastopol, The Allies took Sebastopol. Tol de rol, tol de rol. Tol de rol, tol de rol, The Allies mis-took Sebastopol, Sebastopol, Sebastopol, The Allies mis-took Sebastopol. Tol de rol, tol de rol, (solemn chime.) THE BELLS. THE bells, the bells-oh! the bells- From far away a varying hum, Fire! fire! for ever! fire! God help the poor this bitter night, But, hark! a shriek, as though despair Fire! fire! for ever fire! |