same appointments of his grandfather and follows the history of the family (§§ 619 ff.) in this fief for several generations.

465. I came out from my city, I went to [my nome]. Never did I commit evil against a man... Then appointed me [my lord] the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, "Sehetepibre (Sḥtp-yb-R), Son of Re: Amenemhet (I) living forever and ever, to the office. I went down with his majesty to -1,a in twenty ships of cedar which he 'led', coming to - He expelled him from the two regions (Egypt). "Negroes ——, Asiatics, fell; he seized the lowland, the highlands, in the two regions with the people remain in their positions — — Then his majesty appointed me as count of Menet-Khufu. My administration was excellent in the heart of his majesty, pleasant in -. Then I - my city, I benefited my people. His majesty caused to be done for me, that which my mouth uttered — — —1 8— the were, the

[ ] 7

its taxpayers were —, the citizens were servants.

HAMMAMAT INSCRIPTION OF INTEF

466. This inscription records the only official expedition of Amenemhet I to Hammamat of which we know anything. Only one block is mentioned, for which Intef spent eight days in a vain search, and only succeeded in finding it after propitiating the local gods.

aThere must have been a geographical name here, which is corrupt in the original or has been imperfectly read.

bCut on the rocks of Wadi Hammamat; published by Lepsius, Denkmäler, II, 118, d=Golénischeff, Hammamat, VIII=Maspero, VIIIe Congrés International des Orientalistes, Section africaine, 50-54. I had also a collation of the Berlin squeeze, kindly loaned me by Gardiner. It is, like all the Hammamat inscriptions, strongly influenced by the hieratic; the graver, who did not know hieratic, has then so corrupted the scribe's sketch that much of it is unintelligible.

The other Hammamat inscription bearing his name (Golénischeff, Hammamat, II, 4= Maspero, ibid., 156), is incomplete; it does not record an official, but a private expedition, and the introduction, containing references to the safe conduct of the expedition (“I returned..... none missing, none dead") does not

467. Above is the full titulary of Amenemehet I, without further date. Then follow the titles of Intef:a "Hereditary prince and count, wearer of the royal [seal], sole companion, royal messenger, superior prophet of Min. After the conventional series of personal epithets (11. 2-6), his narrative then proceeds:

468. .. My lord sent me to Hammamat, to bring this august stone; never was brought its like since the time of the god. There was no hunter who knew 7the marvel of it, none that sought it reached it. I spent 8 days searching this highland; I knew not the 'place wherein it was. I prostrated myself to Min, to Mut, to -1 Great-in-Magic, and all the gods of this highland, giving to them incense upon the fire. The land brightened at early morning,b I — to go forth to the mountain — Hammamat, the -- being behind me, and the people scattered upon the mountains, searching this whole [desert]. Then I found it, and the - were in festivity, the entireld army was praising, it rejoiced with 'obeisance1;e I gave praise to Montu.f

mention the name of the leader as usual. Then follows (1. 3): “Fourth month of the third season, day 3; came the wearer of the royal seal, sole companion, inferior prophet, privy councilor of the treasurer of the god, Idi (Ydy), (1. 4) to bring down stone for the merinuter priest, the hereditary prince, ritual priest, sole companion, superior prophet, governor of the South [superior prophet of Min] (restored from Golénischeff, Hammamat, III, 3, 1. 3), Putoker (Pɔwt-ykr) (1. 5). I brought down for him 2 blocks, each one (1. 6) 10 cubits (over 17 feet) in length, · cubits in its width." Idi has another inscription in the vicinity (Golénischeff, Hammamat, III, 3= Maspero, ibid., 157) as follows: "Year -1, third month of the third season, day -; came the . .... (titles) Idi, to bring down stone for ..... (titles) Putoker. I brought down for him a block of 12 cubits (about 20 feet, 6 inches), with 200 men. I brought 2 oxen, 50 asses, '—15". It is clear that Idi is here executing the commissions of Putoker, an official of high rank, not those of the king.

According to 1. 6, his name may have been Sebeknakht, and his father's name Intef.

bRead dw dw, as in Sinuhe, 1. 248.

cSuggested by Gardiner.

dRead r drj?

Read sn-t'?

f The last line was omitted by Lepsius, and it is possible that even in Golénischeff's copy the conclusion is lacking, for the concluding phrase above is very abrupt.

INSCRIPTION OF NESSUMONTUa

4"

469. The stela is dated at the top in the "year of Amenemhet I, and adds the titulary of Sesostris I. As Sesostris I was associated with his father in the twentieth year of the latter, we must restore the above date as “year 24.’

470. The stela contains the conventional mortuary texts and representations, but in the lower right-hand corner adds nine short columns of historical content: showing that Nessumontu led expeditions against the Bedwin (“Sanddwellers") and other Asiatics at the north end of Egypt's eastern frontier.

471. 'Respecting [every] word of this tablet, it is truth, which happened by my arm, it is that which I did in 3reality. There is no deceit, and there is no lie therein. I'defeated1 the Asiatic Troglodytes, the Sand-sdwellers. I overthrew the 'strongholdsd1 of the nomads1, as if they had never been. I coursede through the field, I went

aStela in Louvre (C1); the top lines containing the date are published by Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, 10, and Lepsius, Zwölfte Dynastie, II, 3. The entire text: Maspero in Report of First International Congress of Orientalists at Paris, 1873, II, 48–61, and again in Maspero, Études de mythologie et d'archéologie, III, 153-64; Pierret, Inscriptions, 2, 27; Gayet, Stèles, I. All these are inaccurate. A good text is given by Piehl, Inscriptions, I, I-II, but he unfortunately overlooked the nine lines of historical text and copied them from Maspero. Brugsch (Thesaurus, VI, 1467) copied them from Pierret. These nine lines alone have been carefully given by Müller (Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung, 1900, 47– 48), who, however, does not consider his copy “einen völlig abschliessenden Text." I therefore carefully copied and collated the original (in January, 1901, for the Berlin Dictionary) under excellent light, which insured some additional readings, and it is probable that my text may be regarded as final. I have since published it, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, XXI, 153 ff. Müller also gives a translation, from which mine differs in several places, but is indebted to him for several suggestions.

bIt is unfortunately only this important corner of the stela which is badly broken and weathered, seriously mutilating the text.

cYr(y)t'n'y pw m wn'mɔc.

dThe word cannot be hn, "tent," as Müller suggests, for it ended in feminine t, while hn, "tent," is masculine, as shown by Harkhuf, Letter, 1. 20. The feminine form cited by Müller from the Israel stela is not "tent," but "water skin” (hn't). I connect our word with hn't, “prison.”

eRead hns; see Müller, Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung, III, 433.

forth before those who were behind their defenses, without [my] equal therein, a 9by command of Montu, to him who followed the plan of

INSCRIPTION OF KORUSKOb

472. The Nubian conquests of the Twelfth Dynasty, were already begun by Amenemhet I, and the place where the following inscription was discovered, over half-way up to the second cataract, indicates that the statement in the king's "Teaching" (8483) is trustworthy.

с

473. Year 29, of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehetepibre (Shtp-yb-R, Amenemhet I), living forever. We came to overthrow Wawat

THE TEACHING OF AMENEMHET

474. This composition purports to be the practical injunctions of the old king, Amenemhet I, to his son and coregent, Sesostris I. Maspero thinks they were posthu

aNn sny ym.

bCut on a rock at the entrance of the valley road leading from Korusko to Abu Hamed. It was discovered by Dr. Lüttge in 1875, and by him shown to Brugsch (Geschichte, 117, 118), who published it seven years later, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1882, 30; and in Thesaurus, V, 1213.

cMaspero's statement (Dawn, 478, n. 2) that this inscription belongs to the "XXXth year" must be an oversight.

dThe text is preserved in seven hieratic manuscripts of the Empire, mostly incomplete, as follows:

1. Millingen Papyrus (original lost), published from copy of Peyron, by Maspero, Recueil, II, 70, and XVII, 64.

2. Papyrus Sallier, II, 1-3, British Museum.

3. Papyrus Sallier, I, 8, Verso (= Millingen, I, II, 1).

4. Ostracon, British Museum, 5623 (=Millingen, I, II, 6).

5. Ostracon, British Museum, 5638 (Millingen, II, 5-11); Dümichen, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1874, 30 ff.

6. Papyrus, Berlin, 3019 (Milligen, I, 9 to II, 11).

7. Leather Manuscript Louvre, 4920, 'now completely spoiled." "All these appear to be of about one period, perhaps from the end of the reign of Ramses II to the reign of Seti II" (Griffith, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 36; Millingen

mous, but Griffith does not agree.b It can hardly be doubted that the composition is a work of the Twelfth Dynasty, and there is no serious reason why it should not be attributed to the old king, whose "teaching" the introduction distinctly states it is. Griffith regards the occasion. of the work as the attempt on his life when the king determines "to announce his son's succession in a formal manner." This would date the work from the beginning of the coregency in the twentieth year of Amenemhet I. There is a reference in the document, however, which would indicate a later date. In III, 2, the king speaks of his campaign against Nubia. Now, the only campaign of Amenemhet I in Nubia known to us was in his twenty-ninth year (8473). This reference, therefore, would date the work not long before the king's death in his thirtieth year, and is an indication that we have in it his final instructions to his son.

475. Its chief purpose was to warn the young Sesostris against any confidences or intimate associations with those about him. To enforce this warning, the old king dwells on the kindness and beneficence, the order and prosperity, of his reign; in contrast with which he bitterly depicts the treachery and ingratitude which have been his reward. There is an element of pathos in these words of the old man, which do not fail of their effect even after nearly four thousand years.

may be later), and are in a frightful state of corruption. The best manuscript, Millingen, is unfortunately incomplete, almost all of the third page being lost. The latest and best treatment and text, employing all the manuscripts, are by Griffith (Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 35-49), from whom the above statement of materials is taken. An excellent translation of the clearer passages by Erman also in Aus den Papyrus des königlichen Museums zu Berlin, 44, 45. To both these the present version is much indebted. The older "translations" are very free paraphrases; for bibliography of them, see Maspero, Dawn, 467, n. 2. bZeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 34, 38.

a Dawn, 466.

cAn earlier campaign is not impossible, but remains an assumption.