dieth, yet his inflexible adherence to what he deemed the truth, renders his memory melancholy dear to all true philosophers.

CHAPTER VI.

REIGN OF ARTAXERXES MNEMON.

THE most prominent subjects of the history of the church of God, or his avowed worshippers, are not their usual conduct and the ordinary events which befell them, but their most remarkable declensions and reformations in the true religion, and those deeds by which, collectively or individually, the power of faith was displayed in them, and those providences which most signally discovered that they were the peculiar objects of the Divine care and protection. Such subjects are overlooked or contemned by mankind generally; and as common historians write only for their instruction, and to procure their applause, they bring before them only those things which they know will interest or please them. It is not therefore surprising that we have little direct information of the state of the Jews in the writings of the heathen historians of Greece or Rome. Now, as Greeks and Romans were the exclusive recorders of the events which transpired in those times, we could not expect that they would inform us of the religious state of the Jews; and when they are silent concerning their political state, we may conclude that nothing of the kind very striking had occurred among them. This remark applies to all the histories extant of the latter kings of Persia. Josephus, the Jewish historian, passes wholly over thirty-one years of the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, doubtless because he found no facts on record which he judged worthy of preservation respecting his own nation. It is therefore probable that the Jews had hitherto continued to prosper, although not under native governors, chosen by the Persian king, as in the previous interval from their restoration. In the thirty-second year of Arsaces, known in history by the name of Artaxerxes, one incident noticed by Josephus shows that a foreigner was their governor, and ruled over them without any respect to their laws, at least when obedience to these suited not his views, and that the Jews were still, as a nation, rigid observers of the ritual laws of Moses. On that year Joiada the high-priest died, leaving two sons, Jonathan and Jesus: the former was his father's legitimate successor, and held the office about thirty two years but he owed his actual possession of his official dignity not to fitness to perform its duties, but to the religious zeal of his people. Jesus or Joshua was ambitious; and having acquired the friendship of Bagoas the Persian governor, he obtained from him the promise of the high-priest's office. On the death of his father, he claimed the office, and in an altercation with his brother, within the temple, he received a stroke from him which occasioned his instant death. The governor appears to have been in the city at the time of this melancholy and wicked deed, and hastened to the temple to ascertain its reality; for, according to Josephus, the report of so great a crime was incredible, one so cruel and impious

having never been committed by the Greeks or Barbarians. Bagoas attempted to enter the temple; this roused the indignation of the multitude, who were filled with horror at the thought of the sacred place being defiled by his presence. On being repulsed, he exclaimed, "Have you had the audacity to perpetrate a murder in your temple, and now refuse me admittance? Am I not purer than the dead body whose blood pollutes it?" Filled with wrath, he resolved to punish the whole nation, and demanded that henceforth they should pay a certain sum to Persia for every victim which was offered for sacrifice daily in the temple. The oppressive law was enforced during the life of Artaxerxes. Nor is it probable that this was the only oppressive act of Bagoas' administration; for a man who conceived himself at liberty to dispose of the chief office of the religion of the Jews would not hesitate to advance his own interest by every possible means which he considered expedient. Indeed, his tyrannical government was perhaps the cause of the first and only revolt of the Jews from the Persians; for this happened very soon after the murder of Jonathan. If Bagoas the Jewish governor was the eunuch of this name who was a chief favourite in the next Persian reign, he could have no sympathy with the Jews, and was qualified by his great talents to inflict on them great injury, by means which he could easily make appear to his sovereign as just and necessary, so that they could have no hope of redress by an appeal to the Persian court.

Though the Jews are scarcely mentioned by the ancient writers concerning the Persians in the long reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, yet several great events of this period had more or less influence on the interests of the true religion. This feature seems strongly impressed on the first, and perhaps most momentous event, the conspiracy of Cyrus to obtain the sovereignty of the empire.

The talented Parysatis, the mother of the king, retained her influence notwithstanding of the death of her husband; and to secure it, by false accusations, the employment of assassinators, or by poison, she removed from the palace all whom she hated or feared. But our object requires not the detail of the intrigues or sanguinary deeds of the court, which were common enough in Persia almost always, but were unparalleled while this demoniacal princess swayed the minds of her husband and son. In compliance with her solicitations, the former on his death-bed had assigned to Cyrus the perpetual government of Asia Minor, and the latter acquiesced in that arrangement. Reverence for God, and love and friendship to man, have never been regarded by historians indispensable to the formation of a great and perfect monarch; they estimate human character by exterior accomplishments rather than by moral excellence: this accounts for the too illustrious character given of young Cyrus by Xenophon, not from report but from personal knowledge. "He was," he says, "in the opinion of all that were acquainted with him, after Cyrus the Great, a prince the most worthy of the supreme authority, and had the most noble and most truly royal soul. From his infancy he surpassed all of his own age in every exercise, whether it were in managing the horse, drawing the bow, throwing the dart, or in the chase, in which he distinguished himself once by fighting and killing a bear that attacked him. Those advantages were exalted in him by the nobleness of his air, an en

die.

gaging aspect, and by all the graces of nature that conduce to recommend merit. When his father had made him satrap of Lydia and the neighbouring provinces, his chief care was to make the people sensible that he had nothing so much at heart as to keep his word inviolably, not only with regard to public treaties, but the most minute of his promises; a quality very rare amongst princes, and which, however, is the basis of all good government, and the source of their own as well as their people's happiness. Not only the persons under his authority, but the enemy themselves, reposed an entire confidence in him. Whether good or ill were done him, he always desired to return it double, and that he might live no longer, as he said himself, than whilst he exceeded his friends in benefits, and his enemies in vengeance. Nor was there ever a prince that people were more afraid to offend, nor for whose sake they were inore ready to hazard their possessions, lives, and fortunes." This accomplished prince, whom the admired Grecian philosopher, the disciple of Socrates and leader of armies, indiscriminately eulogises in the finest and most animating glow of eloquence, burning with ambition, resolved to assassinate his brother in the temple of Pasargades, in the presence of the whole court and the multitude assembled to crown him. He was seized, and justly condemned to The prayers and tears of the mother, whom he resembled in intellectual power and immeasurable depravity, procured not only his pardon, but obtained an order instantly to return to his government. On arriving in Asia Minor, ample proof of his surpassing power over the minds of all ranks was speedily manifested. Treating with contempt the generosity and compassion of his royal brother, he conspired to dethrone him, and determined to attack him in the seat of the empire. He exerted all his energies to prepare for this great enterprise; his court at Sardis was estab lished on a scale of Asiatic grandeur; he received the numerous Persians who resorted thither with such condescension and affability as induced them to prefer his interests to those of their sovereign. He neglected no means calculated to impress the subjects of his provinces with the opinion that he was not less desirous of their welfare than of his own; he mingled with the common soldiers, and appeared their friend, without laying aside the authority and dignity of their commander. By various arts, he seduced the army and inhabitants of the provinces governed by Tissaphernes, one of the ablest and most faithful servants of the king. They refused obedience to their own governor, and placed themselves under the jurisdiction of Cyrus. This gave him an opportunity of declaring war against Tissaphernes, and under pretence of this, he augmented his army. In all his warlike plans he was assisted by Clearchus, one of the ablest generals of Lacedemon, who, being banished from Sparta, had found refuge at his court. To him alone of all the Greeks he revealed his secret designs, and employed him to raise a body of Grecian troops, from whom he hoped to receive more efficient aid than from any others. His friends in the Persian court increased, and most assiduously propagated whatever tended to elevate his character in the eyes of the multitude. The reigning king was universally known and admired in the beginning of his reign for his resemblance in conduct and manner to his noble father. He was most generous, affable, just, and never better pleased than

when he had an opportunity to do good to his subjects; but he was more inclined to peace than war. He was therefore, however worthy, not fitted to advance or maintain the glory of the great empire. Thus secretly reasoned the emissaries of Cyrus, whom they pronounced truly deserving of the throne of his celebrated ancestor, whose name he bore.

Cyrus had been the most efficient instrument by which the Lacedemonians had subdued the Athenians and all Greece. He sought their assistance, and they instantly gave orders to their fleet to join his, and to obey Tamos his admiral in all things. In the meantime, to deceive his brother and the court, he sent him grievous complaints against Tissaphernes, and besought, in the most submissive language, his majesty's protection and aid to reduce to obedience an unfaithful servant. This was his avowed purpose in preparing a fleet and army far exceeding what was necessary to conquer the provinces in revolt. The troops consisted of thirteen thousand Greeks, which were the flower and chief force of his army, and of an hundred thousand regular men of the barbarous nations. Clearchus the Lacedemonian commanded all the Peloponnesian troops, except the Achaeans, who had Socrates of Achaia for their leader. The Baotians were under Proxenes the Theban, and the Thessalians under Mnemon. The barbarians had Persian generals, of whom the chief was Ariæus. The fleet consisted of thirty-five ships under Pythagoras_the_Lacedemonian, and of twenty five commanded by Tamos the Egyptian, admiral of the whole fleet. Tissaphernes, rightly judging that all these preparations were too great for so small an enterprise as that against Pisidia, had set out post from Miletus to give the king an account of them. This news occasioned great trouble at court, and Artaxerxes hastily assembled a numerous army to meet his brother.

Cyrus having ordered the fleets to sail along the coast, left Sardis, and marched with his army towards the upper provinces of Asia Minor. The army knew neither the occasion of the war, nor into what countries they were going. Cyrus had only caused it to be given out that he should act against the Pisidians, who had infested his province by their incursions. In his progress he made it his sole application to win the affections of the Greeks, by treating them with kindness and humanity, conversing freely with them, and giving effectual orders that they should want for nothing. He advanced continually by great marches. What troubled him most on the way was the pass of Cilicia, which was a narrow defile between very high and steep mountains, that would admit no more than one carriage to pass at a time. Syennesis, king of the country, prepared to dispute this passage with him, and would infallibly have suc ceeded, but for the diversion made by Tamos with his fleet, in conjunction with that of the Lacedemonians. To defend the coasts against the insults of the fleet, Syeunesis abandoned that important post, which a small body of troops might have made good against the greatest army. When they arrived at Tarsus, the Greeks refused to march any farther, rightly suspecting that they were intended against the king, and loudly exclaiming that they had not entered into the service upon that condition. Clearchus, who commanded them, had occasion for all his address and ability to stifle this commotion in its birth. At first he made use of authority and force, but

with very little success, and desisted therefore from an open opposition to their sentiments. He even affected to enter into their views, and to support them with his approbation and credit. He declared publicly that he would not separate himself from them; and advised them to depute persons to the prince, to know from his own mouth against whom they were to be led, that they might follow him voluntarily if they approved his measures; if not, that they might demand his permission to withdraw. By this artful evasion he appeased the tumult and made them easy, and they chose him and some other officers for their deputies. Cyrus, whom he had secretly apprised of every thing, made answer that he was going to attack Abrocomas, his enemy, at twelve days march from thence upon the Euphrates. When this answer was repeated to them, though they plainly saw against whom they were going, they resolved to proceed, and only demanded an augmentation of their pay, which the prince readily granted. The information soon after that he was marching against the king occasioned some murmuring, which, however, magnificent promises silenced, and called forth the strongest expressions of satisfaction and joy.

The army of Cyrus met with no serious interruption till they reached Cunaxa, about twenty-five leagues from Babylon. Here they were opposed by nine hundred thousand of the royal army, commanded by Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. Three hundred thousand more, under command of Abrocomas, arrived, not till three days after the battle, which terminated in the death of Cyrus, and the destruction of the greater number of his friends and soldiers. In the beginning of the battle the enemy was routed by the Greeks, and Cyrus was proclaimed king; but the fierce ardour of the victors, and, it is said, their imprudence in pursuing a fleeing enemy, prevented them from reaping the fruit of their victory. As soon as the Greeks learned that Cyrus was slain, they sent deputies to Ariæus, his Persian general, to offer him the crown of the empire. He approved not their scheme, because, he said, many Persians more distinguished than he was, would never submit to him. He requested them to join him in the night, and march along with his army next day for Ionia. In the meantime, Artaxerxes sent a herald to the Greeks, demanding them to lay down their arms. Their only answer was, that they expected "Peace in continuing here, or war in marching. It became not the defeated to require the conquerors to submit." They avowed that they would rather die than resign their liberty. That night they made a covenant with Ariæus, which was solemnly confirmed by sacrificing a ram and a bull, a wolf and a boar, in whose blood the Greeks dipped their swords, and the Persians their javelins.

On their route to Babylon they had found no provisions for seventeen days; this sufficiently justified Ariæus in proposing to return by another way. On the evening of their first day's march heralds from the king reached them proposing a treaty of peace. The result was, that on swearing that they would commit no injury in the countries through which they travelled, they were permitted to proceed, as soon as Tissaphernes was prepared with his troops to return with them to his government. This occasioned a delay of several weeks. The three parties marched together for a few weeks, notwithstanding occasional quarrels about provisions and wood.