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to regulate its own franchise, to raise its own taxes, and settle everything in connection with its own affairs in its own way. The general government has no right whatever to send a single soldier into any State, even to preserve order, until it has been called upon to act by the Governor of that State. The Federal Government, as it has been said by the Supreme Court, is one of enumerated powers;' and if it has ever acted in excess of those powers, it was only when officers in States broke the compact which existed, and took up arms for its destruction. They abandoned their place in the Union, and were held to have thereby forfeited their rights as States. In ordinary times there is ample security against the abuse of power in any direction. If a State government exceeds its authority, the people can at the next election expel the parties who have been guilty of the offense; if Congress trespasses upon the functions of the States, there is the remedy of an appeal to the Supreme Court, the final interpreter of the Constitution;' if usurpation should be attempted in spite of these safeguards, there is the final remedy of an appeal to the whole nation under the form of a Constitutional Amendment, which may at any time be adopted with the consent of three-fourths of the States. Only, therefore, as Mr. Justice Story has pointed out, when three-fourths of the States have combined to practice usurpation, is the case 'irremediable under any known forms of the Constitution.' It would be difficult to conceive of any circumstances under which such a combination as this could arise. No form of government ever yet devised has proved to be faultless in its operation; but that of the United States is well adapted to the genius and character of the people, and the very dangers which it has passed through render it more precious in their

eyes than it was before it had been tried in the fire. It assures freedom to all who live under it; and it provides for the rigid observance of law, and the due protection of every man in his rights. There is much in the events which are now taking place around us to suggest serious doubts, whether these great and indispensable advantages are afforded by some of the older European systems of government which we have been accustomed to look upon as better and wiser than the American Constitution."

A final word as to a remaining great issue-that of the tariff. It must ever be a political issue, one which parties cannot wholly avoid. The Democratic party as a mass, yet leans to Free Trade; the Republican party, as a mass, favors Tariffs and high ones, at least plainly protective. Within a year, two great National Conventions were held, one at Chicago and one at New York, both in former times, Free Trade centres, and in these Congress was petitioned either to maintain or improve the existing tariff. As a result we see presented and advocated at the current session the Tariff Commission Bill, decisive action upon which has not been taken at the time we close these pages. The effect of the conventions was to cause the Democratic Congressional caucus to reject the effort of Proctor Knott, to place it in its old attitude of hostility to protection. Many of the members sought and for the time secured an avoidance of the issue. Their ability to maintain this attitude in the face of Mr. Watterson's* declaration that the Democratic party must stand or fall on that issue, remains to be seen.

* Mr. Watterson, formerly a distinguished member of Congress, is the author of the "tariff for revenue only" plank in the Democratic National Platform of 1880, and is now, as he has been for years, the chief editor of the Louisville Courier Journal.

POLITICAL CHANGES IN 1882.

been pertinently described by Horatio Seymour as the "groundswell," and such it seemed, both to the active participants in, and lookers-on, at the struggle.

With a view to carry this work through | years named, but the result of 1882 has the year 1882 and into part of 1883, very plain reference should be made to the campaign of 1882, which in several important States was fully as disastrous to the Republican party as any State elec- Political discontent seems to be perioditions since the advent of that party to cal under all governments, and the periods national supremacy and power. In 1863 are probably quite as frequent though less and 1874 the Republican reverses were violent under republican as other forms. almost if not quite as general, but in the Certain it is that no political party in our more important States the adverse majori- history has long enjoyed uninterrupted ties were not near so sweeping. Political success. The National success of the Re"tidal waves" had been freely talked of publicans cannot truthfully be said to as descriptive of the situation in the earlier | have been uninterrupted since the first

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election of Lincoln, as at times one or the close Democratic sentiment and to unite other of the two Houses of Congress have that which it was hoped would be genebeen in the hands of the Democratic party, rally friendly, moderate tariff rates had to while since the second Grant administra- be fixed; notably upon iron, steel, and tion there has not been a safe working many classes of manufactured majority of Republicans in either House. Manufacturers of the cheaper grades of Combinations with Greenbackers, Read- cotton goods were feeling the pressure of justers, and occasionally with dissenting competition from the South-where goods Democrats have had to be employed to could be made from a natural product preserve majorities in behalf of important close at hand-while those of the North measures, and these have not always suc- found about the same time that the tastes ceeded, though the general tendency of of their customers had improved, and side-parties has been to support the majo- hence their cheaper grades were no longer rity, for the very plain reason that majori- in such general demand. There was overties can reward with power upon commit- production, as a consequence grave deprestees and with patronage. sion, and not all in the business could at once realize the cause of the trouble. Doubt and distrust prevailed, and early in the summer of 1882, and indeed until late in the fall, the country seemed upon the verge of a business panic. At the same time the leading journals of the country seemed to have joined in a crusade against all existing political methods, and against all statutory and political abuses. The cry of "Down with Boss Rule!" was heard in many States, and this rallied to the swelling ranks of discontent all who are naturally fond of pulling down leadersand the United States Senatorial elections of 1883 quickly showed that the blow was aimed at all leaders, whether they were alleged Bosses or not. Then, too, the forms of discontent which could not take practical shape in the great Presidential contest between Garfield and Hancock, came to the front with cumulative force after the assassination. There is little use in philosophizing and searching for sufficient reasons leading to a fact, when the fact itself must be confessed and when its force has been felt. It is a plain fact that many votes in the fall of 1882 were determined by the nominating struggle for the Presidency in 1880, by the quarrels which followed Garfield's inauguration, and by the assassination. Indeed, the nation had not recovered from the shock, and many very good people looked with very grave suspicion upon every act of President Arthur after he had succeeded to the chair. The best informed, broadest and most liberal political minds saw in his course an honest effort to heal existing differences in the Republican party, but many acts of recommendation and appointment directed to this end were discounted by the few which could not thus be traced, and suspicion and discontent swelled the chorus of other injuries. The result was the great political changes of 1882. It be gan in Ohio, the only important and debatable October State remaining at this time. The causes enumerated above (save the assassination and the conflict between the friends of Grant and Blaine) operated

Efforts were made by the Democrats in the first session of the 47th Congress to reduce existing tariffs, and to repeal the internal revenue taxes. The Republicans met the first movement by establishing a Tariff Commission, which was appointed by President Arthur, and composed mainly of gentlemen favorable to protective duties. In the year previous (1881) the income from internal taxes was $135,264,385.51, and the cost of collecting $4,327,793.24, or 3.20 per cent. The customs revenues amounted to $198,159,676.02, the cost of collecting the same $6,383,288. 10, or 3.22 per cent. There was no general complaint as to the cost of collecting these immense revenues, for this cost was greatly less than in former years, but the surplus on internal taxes (about $146,000, 000) was so large that it could not be profitably employed even in the payment of the public debt, and as a natural result all interests called upon to pay the tax (save where there was a monopoly in the product or the manufacture) complained of the burden as wholly unnecessary, and large interests and very many people demanded immediate and absolute repeal. The Republicans sought to meet this demand half way by a bill repealing all the taxes, save those on spirits and tobacco, but the Democrats obstructed and defeated every attempt at partial repeal. The Republicans thought that the moral sentiment of the country would favor the retention of the internal taxes upon spirits and tobacco (the latter having been previously reduced) but if there was any such sentiment it did not manifest itself in the fall elections. On the contrary, every form of discontent, encouraged by these great causes, took shape. While the Tariff Commission, by active and very intelligent work, held out continued hope to the more confident industries, those which had been threatened or injured by the failure of the crops in 1881, and by the assassination of President Garfield, saw only prolonged injury in the probable work of the Commission, for to meet the

sult is a truthful witness. Gov. St. John was again the nominee of the Republicans, but while all of the remainder of the State-ticket was elected, he fell under a majority which must have been produced by a change of forty thousand votes. Iowa next took up the prohibitory amendment idea, secured its adoption, but the result was injurious to the Republicans in the Fall elections, where the discontent struck at Congressmen, as well as State and Legislative officers.

The same amendment had been proposed in Pennsylvania, a Republican House in 1881 having passed it by almost a solid vote (Democrats freely joining in its support), but a Republican Senate defeated after it had been loaded down with amendments. New York was co

with less force in Ohio than any other sec- | free and irresponsible instead of licensed tion-for here leaders had not been held up sale. The latter seem to have had the as" Bosses;" civil service reform had many best of the argument, if the election readvocates among them; the people were not by interest specially wedded to high tariff duties, nor were they large payers of internal revenue taxes. But the liquor issue had sprung up in the Legislature the previous winter, the Republicans attempting to levy and collect a tax from all who sold, and to prevent the sale on Sundays. These brief facts make strange reading to the people of other States, where the sale of liquor has generally been licensed, and forbidden on Sundays. Ohio had previously passed a prohibitory constitutional amendment, in itself defective, and as no legislation had been enacted to enforce it, those who wished began to sell as though the right were natural, and in this way became strong enough to resist taxation or license. The Legislature of 1882, the majority controlled by the Republicans, at-quetting with the same measure, and as a tempted to pass the Pond liquor tax act, result the liquor interests-well-organized and its issue was joined. The liquor in- and with an abundance of money, as a terests organized, secured control of the rule struck at the Republican party in Democratic State Convention, nominated both New York and Pennsylvania, and a ticket pledged to their interests, made thus largely aided the groundswell. The a platform which pointed to unrestricted same interests aided the election of Geul. sale, and by active work and the free B. F. Butler of Massachusetts, but from a use of funds, carried the election and different reason. He had, in one of his reversed the usual majority. Governor earlier canvasses, freely advocated the Foster, the boldest of the Republican lead- right of the poor to sell equally with those ers, accepted the issue as presented, and who could pay heavy license fees, and had stumped in favor of license and the sanc- thus won the major sympathy of the tity of the Sabbath; but the counsels of interest. Singularly enough, Massachuthe Republican leaders were divided, Ex-setts alone of all the Republican States Secretary Sherman and others enacting the meeting with defeat in 1882, fails to s! ow role of confession and avoidance." The in her result reasons which harmonize result carried with it a train of Republican disasters. Congressional candidates whom the issue could not legimately touch, fell before it, probably on the principle that "that which strikes the head injures the entire body." The Democratic State and Legislative tickets succeeded, and the German element, which of all others is most favorable to freedom in the observance of the Sabbath, transferred its vote almost as an entirety from the Republican to the Democratic party.

Ohio emboldened the liquor interests, and in their Conventions and Societies in other States they agreed as a rule to check and, if possible, defeat the advance of the prohibitory amendment idea. This started in Kansas in 1880, under the lead of Gov. St. John, an eloquent temperance advoIt was passed by an immense majority, and it was hardly in force before conflicting accounts were scattered throughout the country as to its effect. Some of the friends of temperance contended that it improved the public condition; its enemies all asserted that in the larger towns and cities it produced

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with those enumerated as making up the elements of discontent. Her people most do favor high tariffs, taxes on liquors and luxuries, civil service reforms, and were supposed to be more free from legal and political abuses than any other. Massachusetts had, theretofore, been considered to be the most advanced of all the States— in notions, in habit, and in law-yet Butler's victory was relatively more pronounced than that of any Democratic candidate, not excepting that of Cleveland over Folger in New York, the Democratic majority here approaching two hundred thousand. How are we to explain the Massachusetts' result? Gov. Bishop was a high-toned and able gentleman, the type of every reform contended for. There is but one explanation. Massachusetts had had too much of reform; it had come in larger and faster doses than even her progressive people could stand-and an inconsistent discontent took new shape there that of very plain reaction. This view is confirmed by the subsequent attempt of Gov. Butler to defeat the re-election of Geo. F. Hoar to

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was one of the principals in the negotiations, but formulated complaints, methods and principles peculiar to the time can be better understood as presented by organized and official bodies, than where mere opinions of cotemporaneous writers and speakers must otherwise be given. A very careful summary has been made by Col. A. K. McClure, in the Philadelphia Times Almanac, and from this we quote the data connected with the

Pennsylvania.

The following call was issued by Chairman McKee, of the committee which conducted the Wolfe campaign in 1881 :

HEADQUARTERS STATE COMMITTEE, CITIZENS' REPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION, GIRARD HOUSE,

the U. S. Senate, by a combination of| The complaints of the Independent Democrats with dissatisfied Republicans. Republicans of Pennsylvania were very The movement failed, but it came very much like those of dissatisfied Repubnear to success, and for days the result licans in other Northern States where no was in doubt. Hoar had been a Senator adverse organizations were set up, and of advanced views, of broad and com- these can best be understood by giving the prehensive statesmanship, but that com- official papers and correspondence conmunistic sentiment which occasionally nected with the revolt, and the attempts crops out in our politics and strikes at all to conciliate and suppress it by the regular leaders, merely from the pleasure of assert- organization. The writer feels a delicacy ing the right to tear down, assailed him in appending this data, inasmuch as he with a vigor almost equal to that which struck Windom of Minnesota, a statesman of twenty-four years' honorable, able and sometimes brilliant service. To prejudice the people of his State against him, a photograph of his Washington residence had been scattered broadcast. The print in the photograph intended to prejudice being a coach with a liveried lackey It might have been the coach and lackey of a visitor, but the effect was the same where discontent had run into a fever. Political discontent gave unmistakable The Independent Republican Revolt in manifestations of its existence in Ohio, Massachusetts, New York (where ExGovernor Cornell's nomination had been defeated by a forged telegram), Michigan, Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, Connecticut, California, Colorado, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. The Republican position was well maintained in New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Minnesota, Illinois, and Wisconsin. It was greatly improved in Virginia, where Mahone's Republican Readjuster ticket carried the. State by nearly ten thousand, and where a United States' Senator and Congressman-at-large were gained, as well as some of the District Congressmen. The Republicans also improved the situation in North Carolina and Tennessee, though they failed to carry either. They also gained Congressmen in Mississippi and Louisiana, but the Congressional result throughout the and Supreme Court Judge, and such other country was a sweeping Democratic vic-matters as may come before the confertory, the 48th Congress, beginning March ence, looking to the overthrow of "boss 4, 1883, showing a Democratic majority of rule," and the elimination of the pernicious 71 in a total membership of 325. spoils system," and its kindred evils, from In Pennsylvania alone the administration of public affairs. It is Northern States, were the Republican thousand unshackled voters who supported of the utmost importance that those fifty elements of discontent organized, and here they were as well organized as pos- S. Wolfe for the office of State Treasurer the independent candidacy of Hon. Charles sible under the circumstances. Charles S. Wolfe had the year previous proclaimed as a solemn protest against ring dominawhat he called his "independence of the tion, together with the scores of thousands Bosses," by declaring himself a candidate of liberty-loving citizens who are ready to for State Treasurer, " nominated in a convention of one." He secured 49,984 votes, and this force was used as the nucleus for the better organized Independent Republican movement of 1882. Through this a State Convention was called which placed a full ticket in the field, and which in many districts nominated separate legislative candidates.

of all the

PHILADELPHIA, December 16, 1881. To the Independent Republicans of Penn

sylvania:

You are earnestly requested to send reconference, to be held at Philadelphia, presentatives from each county to a State Thursday, January 12th, 1882, at 10 o'clock A. M., to take into consideration the wisdom of placing in nomination proper persons for the offices of Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of Internal Affairs

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shall be worthily represented at this conjoin in the next revolt against "bossism,"

ference.

I. D. MCKEE, Chairman. FRANK WILLING LEACH, Secretary.

Pursuant to the above call, two hundred and thirteen delegates, representing thirtythree of the sixty-six counties, met at the Assembly Building, January 12th, 1882,

Sixth. That public office constitutes a high trust to be administered solely for the people, whose interests must be paramount to those of persons or parties, and that it should be invariably conducted with the same efficiency, economy, and integrity as are expected in the execution of private trusts.

Seventh. That the State ticket should be such as by the impartiality of its constitution and the high character and acknowledged fitness of the nominees will justly commend itself to the support of the united Republican party.

Resolved, That we also recommend the adoption of the following permanent rules for the holding of State Conventions, and the conduct of the party:

and organized by the election of John J. | political proscription is unjust, and calcuPinkerton as chairman, together with a lated to disturb party harmony. suitable list of vice-presidents and secretaries. After a general interchange of views, a resolution was adopted directing the holding of a State Convention for the nomination of a State ticket, May 24th. An executive committee, with power to arrange for the election of delegates from each Senatorial district, was also appointed, consisting of Messrs. I. D. McKee, of Philadelphia; Wharton Barker, of Montgomery; John J. Pinkerton, of Chester; F. M. Nichols, of Luzerne; H. S. McNair, of York, and C. W. Miller, of Crawford. Mr. Nichols aftewards declining to act, George E. Mapes, of Venango, was substituted in his place. Before the time arrived for the meeting of the convention of May 24th, several futile efforts were made to heal the breach between the two wings of the Republican party. At a conference of leading Independents held in Philadelphia, April 23d, at which Senator Mitchell was present, a committee was appointed for the purpose of conferring with a similar committee from the regular organization, upon the subject of the party differences. The members of the Peace Conference, on the part of the Independents, were Charles S. Wolfe, I. D. McKee, Francis B. Reeves, J. W. Lee, and Wharton Barker. The committee on the part of the Stalwarts were M. S. Quay, John F. Hartranft, C. L. Magee, Howard J. Reeder, and Thomas Cochran. A preliminary meeting was held at the Continental Hotel, on the evening of April 29th, which adjourned to meet at the same place on the evening of May 1st; at which meeting the following peace propositions were agreed upon:

Resolved, That we recommend the adoption of the following principles and methods by the Republican State Convention of May 10th.

First. That we unequivocally condemn the use of patronage to promote personal political ends, and require that all offices bestowed within the party shall be upon

the sole basis of fitness.

Second. That competent and faithful officers should not be removed except for

cause.

Third. That the non-elective minor offices should be filled in accordance with rules established by law.

Fourth. That the ascertained popular will shall be faithfully carried out in State and National Conventions, and by those holding office by the favor of the party.

Fifth. That we condemn compulsory assessments for political purposes, and proscription for failure to respond either to such assessments or to requests for voluntary contributions, and that any policy of

First. That delegates to State Conventions shall be chosen in the manner in which candidates for the General Asserbly are nominated, except in Senatorial districts composed of more than one county, in which conferees for the selection of Senatorial delegates shall be chosen in the manner aforesaid, and the representation of each county shall be based upon its Republican vote cast at the Presidential election next preceding the convention.

Second. Hereafter the State Convention of the Republican party shall be held on the second Wednesday of July, except in the year of the Presidential election, when it shall be held not more than thirty days previous to the day fixed for the National Convention, and at least sixty days' notice shall be given of the date of the State Convention.

Third. That every person who voted the Republican electoral ticket at the last Presidential election next preceding any State Convention shall be permitted to participate in the election of delegates to State and National Conventions, and we recommend to the county organizations that in their rules they allow the largest freedom in the general participation in the primaries consistent with the preservation of the party organization.

M. S. QUAY,

J. F. HARTRANFT,
THOMAS COCHRAN,
HOWARD J. REEDER,
C. L. MAGEE,

On the part of the Republican State Committee, appointed by Chairman Cooper.

CHARLES S. WOLFE,
I. D. MCKEE,
FRANCIS B. REEVES,
WHARTON BARKER,
J. W. LEE,

On the part of Senator Mitchell's Independent Republican Committee.

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