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ing to uphold that faith against the common enemy and the charlatans and guerrillas who from time to time deploy between the lines and forage on one side or the other.

ful, we are told we must not, even after an | party, holding the right of a majority as interval of years, trust him again. What the very essence of their faith, and meanstultification does not such a fallacy involve! The American people exclude Jefferson Davis from public trust. Why? Because he was the arch traitor and would be a destroyer. And now the same people are asked to ostracize Grant and not trust him. Why? Because he was the arch preserver of his country; because, not only in war, but afterward, twice as a civic magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. Is such absurdity an electioneering jugglery or hypocrisy's masquerade?

"The Democratic party is a standing protest against progress. Its purposes are spoils. Its hope and very existence is a solid South. Its success is a menace to prosperity and order.

This convention is master of a supreme opportunity, can name the next President of the United States and make sure of his. "There is no field of human activity, election and his peaceful inauguration. It responsibility or reason in which rational can break the power which dominates and beings object to Grant because he has been mildews the South. It can speed the weighed in the balance and not found nation in a career of grandeur eclipsing all wanting, and because he has had unequaled past achievements. We have only to lisexperience, making him exceptionally ten above the din and look beyond the competent and fit. From the man who dust of an hour to behold the Republican shoes your horse to the lawyer who pleads party advancing to victory, with its greatyour case, the officers who manage your rail-est marshal at its head."

way, the doctor into whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks to save your souls, what now do you reject because you have tried him and by his works have

James A. Garfield, of Ohio,

1880, nominating John Sherman for the Presidency.

known him? What makes the Presidential In the National Republican Convention at Chicago, June, office an exception to all things else in the common sense to be applied to selecting I have witnessed the extraordinary its incumbent? Who dares to put fetters scenes of this convention with deep solicion the free choice and judgment which is tude. No emotion touches my heart more the birthright of the American people? quickly than a sentiment in honor of a Can it be said that Grant has used official great and noble character. But as I sat on power to perpetuate his plan? He has no these seats and witnessed these demonstraplace. No official power has been used for tions, it seemed to me you were a human him. Without patronage or power, with- ocean in a tempest. I have seen the sea out telegraph wires running from his ashed into a fury and tossed into a spray, house to the convention, without elec- and its grandeur moves the soul of the tioneering contrivances, without effort on dullest man. But I remember that it is his part, his name is on his country's lips, not the billows, but the calm level of the and he is struck at by the whole Democra-sea from which all heights and depths are tic party because his nomination will be measured. When the storm has passed the death-blow to Democratic success. He and the hour of calm settles on the ocean, is struck at by others who find offense and when sunlight bathes its smooth surface, disqualification in the very service he has then the astronomer and surveyor takes rendered and in the very experience he the level from which he measures all has gained. Show me a better man. Name terrestrial heights and depths. Gentlemen one and I am answered. But do not point, of the convention, your present temper as a disqualification, to the very facts may not mark the healthful pulse of our which make this man fit beyond all others. people. When our enthusiasm has passed, Let not experience disqualify or excellence when the emotions of this hour have subimpeach him. There is no third term in sided, we shall find the calm level of pubthe case, and the pretense will die with lic opinion below the storm from which the political dog-days which engendered the thoughts of a mighty people are to be it. Nobody is really worried about a third measured, and by which their final action term except those hopelessly longing for a first term and the dupes they have made. Without bureaus, committees, officials or emissaries to manufacture sentiment in his favor, without intrigue or effort on his part, Grant is the candidate whose supporters have never threatened to bolt. As they say, he is a Republican who never wave rs. He and his friends stood by the creed and the candidates of the Republican

will be determined. Not here, in this brilliant circle where fifteen thousand men and women are assembled, is the destiny of the Republic to be decreed; not here, where I see the enthusiastic faces of seven hundred and fifty-six delegates waiting to cast their votes into the urn and determine the choice of their party; but by four million Republican firesides, where the thoughtful fathers, with wives and children

about them, with the calm thoughts in- | faith of the people. It threw its protecting spired by love of home and love of country, arm around our great industries, and they with the history of the past, the hopes of stood erect as with new life. It filled with the future, and the knowledge of the great the spirit of true nationality all the great men who have adorned and blessed our functions of the Government. It connation in days gone by-there God pre-fronted a rebellion of unexampled magnipares the verdict that shall determine the tude, with slavery behind it, and, under wisdom of our work to-night. Not in God, fought the final battle of liberty until Chicago in the heat of June, but in the victory was won. Then, after the storms sober quiet that comes between now and of battle, were heard the sweet, calm words the melancholy days of November, in the of peace uttered by the conquering nation, silence of deliberate judgment will this and saying to the conquered foe that lay great question be settled. Let us aid them prostrate at its feet: "This is our only reto-night. venge, that you join us in lifting to the serene firmament of the Constitution, to shine like stars for ever and ever, the immortal principles of truth and justice, that all men, white or black, shall be free and stand equal before the law.'

But now, gentlemen of the convention, what do we want? Bear with me a moment. Hear me for this cause, and for a moment be silent, that you may hear. Twenty-five years ago this Republic was wearing a triple chain of bondage. Long "Then came the question of reconstrucfamiliarity with traffic in the bodies and tion, the public debt, and the public faith. souls of men had paralyzed the conscience In the settlement of the questions the Reof a majority of our people. The baleful publican party has completed its twentydoctrine of State Sovereignty had shocked five years of glorious existence, and it has and weakened the noblest and most benefi-sent us here to prepare it for another luscent powers of the National Government, trum of duty and of victory. How shall and the grasping power of slavery was we do this great work? We cannot do it, seizing the virgin territory of the West and my friends, by assailing our Republican dragging them into the den of eternal brethren. God forbid that I should say bondage. At that crisis the Republican one word to cast a shadow upon any name party was born. It drew its first inspira- on the roll of our heroes. This coming tion from that fire of liberty which God fight is our Thermopyla. We are standhas lighted in every man's heart, and ing upon a narrow isthmus. If our Spartan which all the powers of ignorance and hosts are united, we can withstand all the tyranny can never wholly extinguish. The Republican party came to deliver and save the Republic. It entered the arena when the beleaguered and assailed territories were struggling for freedom, and drew around them the sacred circle of liberty which the demon of slavery has never dared to cross. It made them free forever. Strengthened by its victory on the frontier, the young party, under the leadership of that great man who, on this spot, twenty years ago, was made its leader, entered the national capital and assumed the high duties of the Government. The light which shone from its banner dispelled the darkness in which slavery had enshrouded the capital, and melted the shackles of every slave, and consumed, in the fire of liberty, every slave-pen within the shadow of the Capitol. Our national industries, by an impoverishing policy, were themselves prostrated, and the streams of revenue flowed in such feeble currents that the Treasury itself was well nigh empty. The money of the people was the wretched notes of two thousand uncontrolled and irresponsible State banking corporations, which was filling the country with a circulation that poisoned rather than sustained the life of business. The Republican party changed all this. It abolished the babel of confusion, and gave the country a currency as national as its flag, based upon the sacred

Persians that the Xerxes of Democracy can bring against us. Let us hold our ground this one year, for the stars in their courses fight for us in the future. The census taken this year will bring reinforcements and continued power. But in order to win this victory now, we want the vote of every Republican, of every Grant Republican and every anti-Grant Republican in America, of every Blaine man and every anti-Blaine man. The vote of every follower of every candidate is needed to make our success certain; therefore I say, gentlemen and brethren, we are here to take calm counsel together, and inquire what we shall do. We want a man whose life and opinions embody all the achievements of which I have spoken. We want a man who, standing on a mountain height, sees all the achievements of our past history, and carries in his heart the memory of all its glorious deeds, and who, looking forward, prepares to meet the labor and the dangers to come. We want one who will act in no spirit of unkindness toward those we lately met in battle. The Republican party offers to our brethren of the South the olive branch of peace, and wishes them to return to brotherhood, on this supreme condition, that it shall be admitted forever and forevermore, that, in the war for the Union, we were right and they were wrong. On that supreme condition we

Daniel Dougherty, of Pennsylvania,

meet them as brethren, and on no other. We ask them to share with us the blessings In the Democratic National Convention at Cincinnati, June and honors of this great Republic.

of war.

1880, nominating Winfield Scott Hancock for the

Presidency.

We

that will crush the last embers of sectional
strife, and whose name will be hailed as the
dawning of the day of perpetual brother-
hood. With him we can fling away our
shields and wage an aggressive war.
can appeal to the supreme tribunal of the
American people against the corruption of
the Republican party and their untold vio-
lations of constitutional liberty. With him
as our chieftain the bloody banner of the
Republicans will fall from their palsied
grasp. Oh, my countrymen, in this su-
preme moment the destinies of the Repub-
lic are at stake, and the liberties of the peo-
ple are imperiled. The people hang breath-
less on your deliberation. Take heed!
Make no mis-step! I nominate one who
can carry every Southern State, and who
can carry Pennsylvania, Indiana, Connec-
ticut, New Jersey and New York-the
soldier-statesman, with a record as stain-
less as his sword-Winfield Scott Han-
If elected, he will
cock, of Pennsylvania.
take his seat."

"Now, gentlemen, not to weary you, I "I propose to present to the thoughtful am about to present a name for your consideration—the name of a man who was consideration of the convention the name tba comrade and associate and friend of of one who, on the field of battle, was nearly all those noble dead whose faces styled 'The Superb,' yet won the still nolook down upon us from these walls to- bler renown as a military governor whose night; a man who began his career of pub-first act when in command of Louisiana lic service twenty-five years ago, whose first and Texas was to salute the Constitution duty was courageously done in the days of by proclaiming that the military rule shall peril on the plains of Kansas, when the first ever be subservient to the civil power. red drops of that bloody shower began to The plighted word of a soldier was proved fall which finally swelled into the deluge by the acts of a statesman. I nominate He bravely stood by young Kan-one whose name will suppress all factions, sas then, and, returning to his duty in the will be alike acceptable to the North and National Legislature, through all subse- to the South-a name that will thrill the quent time, his pathway has been marked Republic, a name, if nominated, of a man by labors performed in every department of legislation. You ask for his monuments. I point you to twenty-five years of national statutes. Not one great beneficent statute has been placed in our statute books without his intelligent and powerful aid. He aided these men to formulate the laws that raised our great armies and carried us through the war. His hand was seen in the workmanship of those statutes that restored and brought back the unity and married calm of the States. His hand was in all that great legislation that created the war currency, and in a still greater work that redeemed the promises of the Government, and made the currency equal to gold. And when at last called from the halls of legislation into a high executive office he displayed that experience, intelligence, firmness and poise of character which has carried us through a stormy period of three years. With onehalf the public press crying 'crucify him,' and a hostile Congress seeking to prevent success, in all this he remained unmoved until victory crowned him. The great fiscal George Gray, of Delaware, affairs of the nation, and the great business interests of the country, he has guard- In the Democratic National Convention at Cincinnati, June, 1880, nominating Thomas F. Bayard for the Presidency. ed and preserved, while executing the law "I am instructed by the Delaware deleof resumption and effecting its object without a jar and against the false prophecies of gation to make in their behalf a nominaone-half of the press and all the Democracy tion for the Presidency of the United States. of this continent. He has shown himself Small in territory and population, Delaable to meet with calmness the great emer-ware is proud of her history and of her poencies of the Government for twenty-five years. He has trodden the perilous heights of public duty, and against all the shafts of malice has borne his breast unharmed. He has stood in the blaze of 'that fierce light that beats against the throne,' but its fiercest ray has found no flaw in his armor, of our common cause. no stain on his shield. I do not present the Democratic hosts in the impending him as a better Republican or as a better struggle for the restoration of honest goman than thousands of others we honor, vernment and the constitutional rights of but I present him for your deliberate con- the States and of their people, is the imsideration. I nominate John Sherman, of portant question that we must decide. DeOhio. laware is not blinded by her affections when she presents to this convention, as a

sition in the sisterhood of States. Always devoted to the principles of that great party which maintains the equality and rights of the States, as well as of the individual citizen, she is here to-day in grand council to do all that in her lies for the advancement Who will best lead

will of the American people. Don't tell us that you admire and love him, but that he is unavailable. Tell the country that the sneer of our Republican enemies is a lie, and that such a man as Thomas F. Bayard is not too good a man to receive the nomination of the Democratic party. Take the whole people into your confidence, and tell them that an honest and patriotic party is to be led by as honest and pure a man as God ever made; that a brave party is to be led by a brave man whose courage will never falter, be the danger or emergency what it may. Tell them that our party has the courage of its convictions, and that statesmanship, ability and honesty are to be realized once more in the government of these United States, and the nomination of Thomas F. Bayard will fall like a benediction on the land, and will be the presage of a victory that will sweep like a whirlwind from the lakes to the Gulf and from ocean to ocean.”

candidate for this great trust, the name of her gallant son, Thomas Francis Bayard. He is no carpet knight rashly put forth to flash a maiden sword in this great contest. He is a veteran covered with the scars of many hard-fought battles, when the principles of constitutional liberty have been at stake in an arena where the giants of radicalism were his foes, and his bruised arms, not 'hung up,' but still burnished brightly, are monuments of his prowess. Thomas F. Bayard is a statesman who will need no introduction to the American people. His name and his record are known wherever our flag floats-aye, wherever the English tongue is spoken. His is no sectional fame. With sympathies as broad as the continent, a private character as spotless as the snow from heaven, a judgment as clear as the sunlight, an intellect keen and bright as a flashing sabre, a courage that none dare question, honest in thought and deed, the people all know him by heart, and, as I said before, they need not be told who and what he is. But you, gentlemen of the convention, who must keep in view the success so important to be Frye Nominating Blaine achieved in November, pray consider the In the Chicago Convention, 1880. elements of his strength. Who more than "I once saw a storm at sea in the nighthe will as a candidate appeal to the best time; an old ship battling for its life with traditions of our party and our country? the fury of the tempest; darkness everyIn whom more than he will the business where; the winds raging and howling; the interests of the country, now re-awakening huge waves beating on the sides of the to new life and hope, confide for that eco- ship, and making her shiver from stem to nomy and repose which shall send capital stern. The lightning was flashing, the and labor forth like twin brothers hand in thunders rolling; there was danger everyhand to the great work of building up the where. I saw at the helm, a bold, couracountry's prosperity and advancing its ci- geous, immovable, commanding man. In vilization? Who better than he will re- the tempest, calm; in the commotion, present the heart and intellect of our great quiet; in the danger, hopeful. I saw him party, or give expression to its noblest in- take that old ship and bring her into her spirations? Who will draw so largely harbor, into still waters, into safety. That upon the honest and reflecting independent man was a hero. [Applause.] I saw the voters as he, whose very name is a syno- good old ship of State, the State of Maine, nym for honest and fearless opposition to within the last year, fighting her way corruption every where and in every form, through the same waves, against the and who has dared to follow in what he dangers. She was freighted with all that thought the path of duty with a chivalrous is precious in the principles of our repubdevotion that never counted personal gains lic; with the rights of the American citior losses? Who has contributed more than zenship, with all that is guaranteed to the Thomas Francis Bayard to the command- American citizen by our Constitution. The ing strength that the Democratic party eyes of the whole nation were on her, and possesses to-day? Blot out him and his intense anxiety filled every American influence, and who would not feel and heart lest the grand old ship, the "State of mourn his loss? Pardon Delaware if she Maine," might go down beneath the waves says too much; she speaks in no disparage- forever, carrying her precious freight with ment of the distinguished Democrats whose her. But there was a man at the helm, names sparkle like stars in the political fir- calm, deliberate, commanding, sagacious; mament. She honors them all. But she he made even the foolish man wise; couraknows her son, and her heart will speak.geous, he inspired the timid with courage; Nominate him and success is assured. His very name will be a platform. It will fire every Democratic heart with a new zeal and put a sword in the hand of every honest man with which to drive from place and power the reckless men who have for four years held both against the expressed

hopeful, he gave heart to the dismayed, and he brought that good old ship safely into harbor, into safety; and she floats today greater, purer, stronger for her baptism of danger. That man too, was heroic, and his name was James G. Blaine. [Loud cheers.]

Maine sent us to this magnificent Convention with a memory of her own salvation from impending peril fresh upon her. To you representatives of 50,000,000 of the American people, who have met here to counsel how the Republic can be saved, she says, "Representatives of the people, take the man, the true man, the staunch man, for your leader, who has just saved me, and he will bring you to safety and certain victory."

The Senator has announced to-day that the majority on this side of the Chamber was only temporary. He has announced over and over that it was to be a temporary majority. I meet him on the fact. I say there are thirty-eight members sitting in this Hall_to-day who were elected by democratic Legislatures, and as democrats, and one distinguished Senator who was not elected as a democrat, but by democratic votes, the distinguished Senator from Illinois, [Mr. DAVIS,] has announced his purpose to vote with these thirty-eight

Senator Hill's Denunciation of Senator democrats. Where, then, have I misrep

Mahone.

In Extra Session of the Senate, March 14, 1881.

Very well; the records of the country must settle that with the Senator. The Senator will say who was elected as a republican from any of the States to which I allude. I say what the whole world knows, that there are thirty-eight men on this floor elected as democrats, declaring themselves to be democrats, who supported Hancock, and who have supported the democratic ticket in every election that has occurred, and who were elected, moreover, by democratic Legislatures, elected by Legislatures which were largely democratic; and the Senator from New York will not deny it. One other Senator who was elected, not as a democrat, but as an independent, has announced his purpose to vote with us on this question. That makes thirty-nine, unless some man of the thirtyeight who was elected by a democratic Legislature proves false to his trust. Now, the Senator from New York does not say that somebody has been bought. No; I have not said that. He does not say somebody has been taken and carried away. No; I have not said that. But the Senator has said, and here is his language, and I hope he will not find it necessary to correct it:

It may be said, very likely I shall be found to say despite some criticism that I may make upon so saying in advance, that notwithstanding the words "during the present session," day after to-morrow or the day after that, if the majority then present in the Chamber changes, that majority may overthrow all this proceeding, obliterate it, and set up an organization of the Senate in conformity with and not in

contradiction of the edict of the election. The presidential election he was referring to

If an apology is needed for the objection which I feel to that, it will be found I think in the circumstance that a majority, constitutional majority of the Senate, is against that resolution, is against the formation of committees democratic in inspiration and persuasion, to which are to go for this session all executive matters.

resented? If that be true, and if those who were elected as democrats are not faithless to the constituency that elected them, you will not have the majority when the Senate is full.

Again, so far from charging the Senator from New York with being a personal party to this arrangement, I acquitted him boldly and fearlessly, for I undertake to say what I stated before, and I repeat it, to his credit, he is no party to an arrangement by which any man chosen by a democratic Legislature and as a democrat is not going to vote for the party that sent him here. Sir, I know too well what frowns would gather with lightning fierceness upon the brow of the Senator from New York if I were to intimate or any other man were to intimate that he, elected as a republican, because he happened to have a controlling vote was going to vote with the democrats on the organization. What would be insulting to him he cannot, he will not respect in another.

Now, sir, I say the Senator has been unjust in the conclusion which he has drawn, because it necessarily makes somebody who was chosen as a democrat ally himself with the republicans, not on great questions of policy, but on a question of organization, on a question of mere political organization. I assume that that has not been done. No man can charge that I have come forward and assumed that his fidelity was in question. I have assumed that the Senator from New York was wrong in his statement. Why? Because if any gentleman who was chosen to this body as a democrat has concluded not to vote with the democrats on the organization, he has not given us notice, and I take it for granted that when a gentleman changes his opinions, as every Senator has a right to change his opinions, his first duty is to give notice of that change to those with whom he has been associated. He has not given that notice; no democrat of the thirty-eight has given that notice to this side of the House. I therefore assume that no such change has occurred.

But there is another obligation. While I concede the right of any gentleman to change his opinions and change his party

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