a stung into political death by the fangs of a com THE history of English parties since the enactment of the Reform Bill, is one of the most instructive chapters in the political history of any people. Much that is interesting lies upon the surface. There is seen at a glance the presence Parties were not dead,-they were only subof new political elements. From the commence- divided. In that subdivision there appeared a ment of Parliamentary government there had great chance of popular gain. The balance of existed the distinction, more or less broadly parties was destroyed, and it could only be remarked, of conservative politicians from re- stored by accessions of public confidence to this forming politicians, a distinction generally party or to that. There was no political quesequivalent to the defence of prerogative on the tion sufficiently commanding public interest to one hand and of popular rights on the other. In constitute a new principle of cohesion. The the struggle for the Reform Bill, kingly prero- Whig doctrine of finality and the popular wearigative was exerted on the side of popular rights, ness of Chartism had set aside the suffrage quesand the idols of the populace became at once the tion. The ecclesiastical relations of the State sycophants and the masters of the Court. Pre- permanently interested only a few Churchmen sently was seen the recovery of Conservatism and some Dissenters. It was, therefore, around from an unnecessary alarm, and the recoil of some man, or group of men, at the head of one Democracy from an inevitable disappointment. of the many parliamentary parties, that the inThe vanquished adherents of corrupted constitutional usages quickly discovered that what they most valued had been retained, and much of the rest might be retrieved. The victims of an exaggerated expectation of improvement almost as quickly discovered that they had gained nothing if not the power of gaining more. The formation of the great Peel party was the result of the one discovery-Chartism, the result of the other. The Peel party placed its chiefs in power; Chartism saw its chiefs disappear into prison, thence to emerge into impotence. But the instructive contrast was not yet complete. Peel destroyed his party in carrying out the objects of a resistless popular movement, and was forced from office because he had exchanged for the headship of a party the idolatry of a nation. Then was demonstrated what Democracy had gained by the triumph that seemed to have shattered Conservatism. And then, too, was exhibited the fatuity of contemporary impressions. While every one was shouting "Party is dead!" Peel was being fluences which make a government must collect. Russell, Derby, Aberdeen, and Cobden, were the rival nuclei. Russell had the advantage of prestige and of actual possession. Office fell to him, on Peel's overthrow, by a most significant necessity. But neither the admiration of his hereditary followers nor the influence of office could save him from the natural fate of little men unblessed by the possession of a great principle. Languid efforts in the old civil-and-religiousliberty interest, even aided by the inveterate fidelity of Radicals, failed to avert an ignominious doom. Disraeli, Derby's lieutenant, overthrew him in 1852, as Peel, Wellington's lieutenant, had overthrown him in 1835 and 1840. A second time Whiggism perished of inanition-a second time demonstrated its incapacity of independent existence. But this time Russell made friends with Aberdeen, as before he had made friends with O'Connell; in both cases, aided by the indefinite fears and hopes of Democracy. A coalition was constituted. Aberdeen and Russell took office, with more than the acquiescence of B Cobden, a great majority, and the watchwords of to retirement, gives its supporters occasional Peace and Reform. Within twelve months, war license to rebel. On this occasion the malconhad been proclaimed and Reform abandoned. tents at least took the licence to intrigue; and Was this the triumph of party over the people, the fear of defeat was held equivalent to its a triumph of the people over party, or the sub- experience. The House was never troubled to mission of both to events? divide upon a question commended to it from the Throne and confessedly demanding settlement. The Reform Bill perished without a hostile vote-just as war had been declared as the alternative of resignation. Such is the history of parties from 1832 to the end of the first session of 1854. Surely its lessons are alike obvious and important. Surely it teaches us that in a representative assembly the spirit and power of party will never be extinct, however its forms may change; that a party, though organised on no very distinct principle, and sustained by no public enthusiasm, may yet, under the guidance of a sagacious, resolute leader, work its way to office; that the disruption or equipoise of parties is the people's opportunity; that a strong Government may be conquered to the service of a great public sentiment; but that a feeble Government, numerically feeble and irresolute in purpose, must be destroyed by the public sentiment which it will otherwise wear out; and that of all Governments, a Coalition is the least likely to fulfil popular expectation, or carry out the popular will. We shall endeavour to estimate, in another article of this number, the exact pressure upon the Government of popular sentiment and of that international crisis, that exigency of European statesmanship, which we loosely designate "events." Our purpose here is simply to remark how the new condition of Parliamentary parties affected the question of war or peace. There was not, as at the commencement of the last great war, a division of Parliament into two parties-a governmental party, bent on war; an opposition party, denouncing war as "unnecessary and unjust." There was, on the contrary, a Ministry, in its corporal capacity reluctant to make war-and in the ministerial majority, one section upbraiding them with that reluctance, and another section menacing them with desertion if they consented to make war, besides a larger section always and simply ministerial. There was also an Opposition whose chiefs accused the Government even of complicity with the enemy,and yet dared not frame a hostile resolution. It was to be a war for "liberty,"- yet it was on the Conservative benches that the Liberal advocates of the war found an applauding audience. With It might have been safely predicted that this a House of Commons thus unable to shape its abnormal condition of political powers—this desires or suspicions into deeds-a House of virtual abeyance of party distinctions-prevalent Commons so insincere or so infirm that the at the commencement of the war, would be sentiments most loudly applauded from its brought to a termination by the progress of orators were never put upon its records-what the war. It is one of the effects of a great inchance was there that the nation would have ternational struggle to intensify the national its idea of the war fairly embodied in the life. The people who have sent forth armies utterances or actions of the Government? A and fleets for other purposes than those of show, Ministry so independent of Parliamentary in- become presently conscious of an identity of existfluences would hardly trouble itself to ascertain, or bind itself to follow, the real intentions of the popular mind. Mr. Urquhart might formalise with impunity, on every platform in England, the impeachment which Disraeli expressed only in epigram. Kossuth was disdainfully free to indoctrinate millions with the views which Layard or Blackett expounded to an assembly which gave its cheers to them, but its votes to the Government. ence, a community and earnestness of emotion, which they experience hardly in the most unanimous of domestic movements. The successes, and even the disasters, of their arms, stimulate the pride and love of country that are dormant amid the individualising activities of peace. The boor in the furrow and the fisherman on the coast feel both a brotherhood with their late fellows, now the heroes of a Trafalgar or an Inkermann. The 'squire looks with new respect The same paralysis of party produced a on the peasant-fathers of his son's regiment. similar, though inverted, result in the question Meek-faced traders and stooping artisans look of Reform. In this case, Ministers were pro- ercet and elated at the tidings of apprentices and fessedly eager to act, and the Opposition not shop - mates become fine soldiers. Patriotism professedly averse to discuss. Yet nothing was is now the ruling passion-the supreme object done. The ministerial measure was ingeniously of appeal-the too ready absolvent from a sense adapted to disarm Parliamentary objections, and of private responsibility-the equally facile ally therefore to deter popular enthusiasm. But one of right and of wrong, so that it be but national. section of the majority disliked it as an unne- This may seem the very least likely state of cessary innovation; another section suspected feeling from which to resuscitate old distincit of inutility, if not of mischief. The Opposi- tions, or to raise new organisations. It is sotion availed itself of these dissensions, not to for a time. The Government at such a season destroy, but to humble, the Government. A has but to be patriotic, and all is forgiven to it Ministry that is certain to prefer humiliation-the most prodigal expenditure, the most arbitrary administration: the country knows no | Layard coalition, the result of which would be enemy but the power with whom it is at war- anticipated by the open rupture of a divided liberty is in no danger but from foreign conquest. Cabinet. But will success at Sebastopol secure But let a Government at such a time incur a the continuance of an Aberdeen rule, and of the general suspicion of lukewarmness-let it fail to lethargy of party? inspire confidence in its heartiness-let it omit We do not believe that it will. The Governto flatter even the follies of patriotism, or disap- ment of Lord Aberdeen may possibly so conduct point its extravagant expectations and not the the war as to satisfy the national spirit,-but it uttermost dislocation of the constitutional ma- cannot so direct the war as to satisfy the national chine will prevent its being used for the destruc- sentiment. An English energy of administration tion of that Government. The offended sen- is only one of two essentials to the continued timent of the nation will employ as its weapon popularity of so costly a struggle-an English a party it despises, or create for its embodiment liberality of object is the other. The first, a party of its own. The Whigs of 1806 were Newcastle is just as likely as Palmerston to diswilling enough to wage with Napoleon the war play-the second, Palmerston is at least as which the Whigs of '93 justly protested against unlikely as Newcastle to entertain. waging with the Republic. But the popular any of the Parliamentary parties likely to meet sentiment which sustained them at the one this latter requirement. For the authoritative period outran them at the other. From the expression of the national mind, A NATIONAL PARTY day when an army of invasion was visible from must be created. Dover and the body of Nelson was borne to St. Paul's, there was but one party in Englandthe Anti-Gallican party. It needed the war with America and the Treaty of Vienna to revive the popularity of Charles Grey and inspire the eloquence of Henry Brougham. Not till the enemy was conquered had the people leisure to judge a Ministry that abundantly flattered the confidence it flagrantly abused. We have heard of the creation of such a party. About two months ago, the newspapers announced, in quite commonplace typography, that great public meetings at Newcastle and Sheffield, demanding that the restoration of Poland be included in the objects of the war, had been followed by a private meeting of gentlemen influential in those towns; and that it was resolved to attempt the formation of a National It is substantially in our days as in the days Party upon three bases-(1) sympathy with the of our fathers. We have embarked in a war European nationalities; (2) the abolition of with Russia-far more unanimously and zealously secrecy in diplomacy; (3) the establishment of than they embarked in a war with France. The domestic self-government. We had heard little two or three dissentient members of the Com- before, and have heard nothing since, of the mons represented, in this instance, a public gentlemen from whom emanated these resoluminority proportionately insignificant. The tions. Nevertheless, we consider the circumGovernment was in no danger but from its re- stance sufficiently significant to make it our. luctance; and that the English public, in its starting-point in a survey of contemporary very pride, would rather attribute to an exces-politics. sive love of peace than to a deficient love of Enough has been said, we hope, in the opening country. The head of the Government rather paragraph of this article, to remove the seeming disdained than courted a popularity he could incongruity of nationality and partisanship; for have cheaply purchased; but his colleagues kept we have shown that a popular sentiment strong him in place, with themselves, by professions as was Chartism, utterly failed to impress the that for some time were sure to escape compari-parties it unwisely despised-whereas, first Conson with deeds. At least one campaign might servatism, and subsequently Anti-Corn-law-ism, be safely permitted to elapse without result conquered, by the diligent use of party tactics, before popular discontent swelled into organic the parties by whom they were despised. We opposition. The experiment has been tried. proceed, therefore, on the assumption that to Nearly twelve months of war have passed, with- establish an independent Parliamentary existence out a single important achievement by a Govern- is the indispensable policy of those who are ment of boundless resources and forces of bound- proudly conscious theirs is the national idea. less capability. The tedious processes of We proceed, on this assumption, to controvert diplomacy have brought about only an unpopu- an alleged incongruity between the denominalar alliance, and the almost equally tardy tion and the primary object of this national operations of commanders only the explosion of party. an isolated fortress, the costly glory of three It might be supposed that only a domestic disastrous victories, and the partial investment interest would unite so many citizens of one of a stronghold now more redoubtable than before country as to redeem from the ridiculous, selfin the renown of invulnerability. The success description by their country's name. Especially of this last enterprise is no doubt a domestic might this be supposed of islanders. And still necessity-the imperious alternative of Minis- more especially might the supposition be made terial destruction. Failure before Sebastopol of Englishmen-notoriously contemptuous in would assuredly encourage a Disraeli and their insular prejudices, and proudly careless of continental politics-now, as when Shakespere the ridicule of the world. The Mr. Bull of made Austria say it, entrenched within that wall, that white-faced shore, Whose foot spurns back the ocean's roaring tides, that England, hedged in with the main, But no amount of supposition will weigh against the fact, that Englishmen have always been as proudly sympathetic with nations in distress as proudly defiant of nations in arms. It is a characteristic that gleams with diamond brilliancy through their literature, and that embalms some of the obscurest passages of their history. A Jerusalem prelate preached us into a crusade not more for the Sepulchre than for the Christians, and a Greek emperor, suppliant for help against the Turks, received at least promises. Waller, "maker and model of melodious verse,' is best remembered for these lines of his Panegyric to the Lord Protector: The the novelists and playwrights has always a kick Whether this portion of the world were rent By the rude ocean from the continent, Or thus created, it was sure designed To be the sacred refuge of mankind:and they are probably the only lines of that panegyric which he never repented writing. Milton's sonnet "On the Late Massacre in Piedmont" is the oftenest-quoted of all those unappreciated beautics; and the interference of Cromwell for the "slaughtered saints" whose "moans the vales redoubled to the hills, and they to heaven," is extolled even by disbelievers in his godliness and greatness. That we gave shelter and succour to Protestant fugitives from foreign persecution, while we persecuted Puritans and Papists at home, is a glory that all the sects of to-day would share. We were hurried into We say, then, that the first of the three bases the war with revolutionary France under the laid down by the Newcastle and Sheffield comdelusion of avenging the innocent and reinstat-mittee is as broad and deep as any that could be ing the wronged. There has not occurred an in-found-broad as our patriotism, and deeper far surrection since the Congress of Verona but we than that merely anti-Russian feeling which is have subscribed for its prosecution and wel- now the synonyme of patriotism. There is as comed its victims. We sent Sir Robert Wilson little of natural antipathy between the Englishto aid the Spaniards against their Government man and the Russian as of natural affinity beand their neighbours, and Lord Cochrane to help tween the Englishman and the Turk. It is only the South Americans against their mother coun- by successive fits of indignation at Russian fraud try, Spain. The Greeks enjoyed, while a slave and violence, that we have been brought to our race, a sympathy even more intense than our present height of fervour and resolve. The present aversion. Poland has been with us a triple partition and final destruction of Poland theme of declamation in poetry and prose since -the invasion of Hungary-the demanded surher first partition. Her struggle of 1831 di- render of fugitives, deposited in the sluggish vided with the Reform Bill our popular solici- heart of England the seeds of that godlike tude; and even a Reform Ministry dared not rage which arguments of political interest and persist in refusing alms to the fugitives. The warnings of remote danger would never have Italians and Hungarians have since been watched excited. What care we, as a people, about with equal anxiety, and welcomed with equal the balance of power, the integrity of the ardour. In England alone, of all European Ottoman empire, or other such diplomatic countries, are the unsuccessful soldiers of revo- figments? What spells could such old-world lution assured of an asylum, and honoured with phrases exert upon a people prospering by an audience. Our readiness to receive them peace, and therefore loving peace? with open arms-to aid them from our purses will deny that war with France, with and introduce them to our daughters-even ex- America, with any power on earth but Russia, poses us to the impositions of adventurers and would have been too intensely unpopular even Who |