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temper, that we cannot but think that it must make a strong impression in favour of the addressers, on the mind of every candid and liberal Protestant. Art. 46. Rights of Citizens ; being an Inquiry into fome of the Con

sequences of Social Union, and an Examination of Mr. Paine's Principles touching Government.


pp. 131. 2 s. 6d. Debrett. 1792.

One affertion made by this writer is, that he has thought on his subje&t. It is evident that he has done so. Accordingly, which he seems to suspect many of his readers will not do, we have followed him patiently, page by page, to his conclusion. The result is, that we are very ready to give him credit for much acuteness and subtilty, though we cannot allow that he has, as he supposes, 'gone the whole way.' The foundation, we think, still continues firm, in spite of all his digging to undermine is. Some, perhaps, may be of opinion that the lower parts of Mr. Paine's superstructure are a little shaken : but the foundation, which is not originally the work of Mr. Paine, but of nature, is immoveable.

The substance of this pamphlet is metaphysical; and the author, after bavirg proceeded some way in it, says: 'I fear the reader will give a short yawn of acquiescence, when I tell him we have had a good deal of up-hill work. This possibly will be the case with the generality of readers. Those, however, who have a taste for deep investigation, will be entertained, if not convinced. The subject is dry: but the writer is by no means dull. In general, he is profound; sometimes he is light and amusing; and now and then he is superficial and Aimsy.

Under this last description, we must rank what he says to prove that, in this country, the majority of the people may be reprefented if they will.' Having afirmed that a principal part of the national will is, with us, lodged in a majority of the people, he proceeds:

• The national will, lodged in a majority of the people of England !-Yes :- from the right of mediately legislating, (by electing representatives,) the Constitution of England excludes no man absolutely; but on the contrary, tenders the right conditionally to all. To the Proteftant it says, procure by your industry a permanent property, to a certain small amount, and you shall be an elector: (the French Constitution in the same manner requires the inhabitant to pay taxes to a certain amount:) to the Roman Catholic, &c. our Constitution says, become of the established religion, and be citizens. Comply with what the Conftitution requires, and enjoy the rights it confers. Mean time live un moletted: the force of the Conftitution shall protect you from injury. The wealth your induftry acquires thall be secured to you. Such is the kind language which the British Confticution holds to diffenters; this is that toleration which Mr. Paine defines to be the counterfeit of intolerance.'

This is little better than an infult on the vnrepresented part of the community. It is the logic of the inquisition: the holy fathers of which have never gone farther than to say to the poor persecuted


heretics, become of the effablished religion, and be free from torture. Comply with what we require, and enjoy the comfort which we can confer: but is it fo easy for a man to violate bis conscience? or is is so laudable to rempe him to it? Such arguments no more justify the present state of our representation, than they would justify a power vefted in the King to nominate every member in the House of Commons. In that case, it might, with equal truth, be said, that no man was absolutely excluded from mediately legislating, but that the right was tendered conditionally to all. Become king, and you fall be an ele&tor. Comply with what the constitution requires, and enjoy the rights which is confers.

In the same iuperficial way, this writer talks of the usurped pri. vileges of majorities.' 'I cannot perfuade myself,' says he, to be a warm itickler for the rights of the many, whilst I remember that the virtuous are the few. This is a sophism, by which, shallow as it is, numbers impose on themselves, or on ohers. It is certain that, if we were to divide mankind into two classes, putting all those who were eminently virtuous, or eminently wise, or in any way remarkably distinguished, into one cla's by themselves; and the rest of mankind into another by themselves; the former class would be few in number, compared to the later :--but will any body say that, when a point is proposed to be promiscuoully d-cided by a body of people, they ever thus divide themselves on the question ; collecting all the virtuous and wise on one side, and leaving all the wicked and fooli ih on the other? On the contrary, does not the opinion entertained of the integrity of the virtuous and of the ability of the wise, generally draw the majority over to their party ; unless there be fome very particular cause for its being otherwise ? Be Gde, where several men are nearly equal to each other in virtue and wisdom, -which is the case in society, -if one man decides a question in a certain way; is it not juftly considered as an argument that he has decide i righi, if a vart number of independent persons agree with him in his decision ? and is it not a prelumption that he is wrong, if there be but a few of the same opinion with himself ? The uniform conduct of mankind gives the answer to these questions. In all societies, whether public or private, the greatest deference is constantly paid to the voice of the majority; and to us it appears that the ground of this deference is the unanimous persuasion, that the voice of the majority is always more likely to contain a greater quantity of wisdom and virtue, than the voice of



of the community. Whoever, therefore, would be a warm stickler for virtue and wisdom, must be a warm stickier for the rights of the many. Art. 47. The Political Crisis; or a Dissertation on the Rights of Man. Second Edition.


pp. 132. 25. 6d. Jordan. 1792.

A desultory attack on Dr. Tatham, • an author who is more zea. lous than just, and who seems to be forgotten,'—a few commonplace flourishes in favour of liberty-and a repetition of some of Mr. Paine's doctrines, almoft in his own words, compose the sub

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fance of this pamphlet. It is one of those productions which, in the presene plentiful harvest of politics, might very well have been fpared. Should any one here add, “ And so mighe Dr. Tatham's pamphlet too,” we have nothing to say in arrest of judgment. If it pleasech the public, let them (to use one of our author's phrases) • progress forward' side by side to the land of oblivion. We know not ibat any great lofs would be suffered by such an event. Art. 48. A Letter to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Chester,

on the Removal of Poor Children from their respective Setilements to the Cotton and other Manufactories at Manchester, &c. By a Friend to the Poor.

pp. 40. is. Faulder, 1792.

The rapid progress of manufactures is ever giving rise to new expedients; and that of applying to distant parishes for poor children to fupply them with hands, has lately been tried ; too lately perhaps for a present decision on the future confequences of it. This writer, in the character of a friend to the poor, has, however, taken up the subject, and, after urging the cruelty of diffolving the ties between parents and children, by such removals of the latter, he gives the following account of the modes of their employment and treatment:

• They are taken away, many of them, at seven years old, or earlier. They are employed in that sort of work, which, if not laborious, is yet annatural to childran; because it is utterly incompatible with that necessary rest, which their tender age absolutely requires, in order to their advancement to a vigorous matority. Their time is for the most part divided, as I understand, into two equal parts, twelve hours of labour, and twelve hours of intermis. fion. The hour of relief, I believe, is generally eight o'clock : the child, who, after a little refreshment, is sent to bed soon after that hour in the evening, I can easily conceive, enjoys unintersupred rest, till he or she is roused in the morning to prepare for the Jaboor of the succeeding day; at which time the other little labourers repair to the fame bed; and they are at liberty, if it so please them, to remain there till the evening : but active fpirited children, whose time is their own, are much above paffing it in torpid indo. Jence: : no; the first call of nature being barely satisfied by a very fhort repose, they disdain their beds, despise that refrefhment, that necessary support, which it offers to their tender frame, prefer play before fleep, and return jaded, instead of being invigorated, to their destined task at the appointed hour in the evening. I need not point out to your Lordship the almost unavoidable confequences: I need not observe what a sure foundation is here laid for hectic dir. eases, and a speedy death. In the mean while, what have they acquired ? a mere daily Subfiftence, which, if they could not have earned at home, their parents were, by every tye of nature, duty, and of law, obliged to supply by their own industry; and which being now beco:ne less necessary, when the objects of their care are removed from them, is is but too probable will be proportionably relaxed on the part of the parent; or if not, the produce of his 8


labour will be in great danger of being wretchedly misapplied to the purposes of intemperance and excess.

• But suppose these children, - my Lord, to be enabled by the strength of a good constitution, and the care of a gracious fuperintending Providence, to stand their ground for a certain term of years: in this case the principal manufacturer finds himself conArained once more to address himself to his agent in town, on the subject of an exchange of young labourers. He writes him word, that these children are now no longer of any use to him; that they are advanced to such an age and such a size, that their maintainance and clothing are more expensive than their labour is productive. He begs him therefore to make another sweep of 12000 more, remit them by the earlier, and safett, and cheapest conveyance, and, on receipt thereof, he will send back such as remain of those whicle he had formerly collected and sent.

* And now, my Lord, fuppose them, if you please, returned to their respective parishes; having been for several ycars employed in a sort of work of no more use to them in their present situation, than if they had been so many years employed in picking Atraws.

• The parents, if they have lived to see them returned upon their hands, having almost outlived the remembrance of them; and having perhaps transferred their affections to other children born since the emigration of the former, look upon them with an eye of cold, ness and indifference: upon examination they find them altogether unfit to render them any service, and likely rather to prove a burthen than an help to them: and they find their minds fraught with ideas so dismilar to those which they would have imbibed if they had continued at home, that they seem more like the inhabitants of another hemisphere, than like the indigenous plants of the soil to which they are brought back.'

It is certainly to be supposed that manufacturers, taking parish children for profit, will, in the spirit of trade, make the moit that they can of them; and if we are to accept this for a true representation, the removal of helpless children, in such numbers, into such fituations, to be so returned, ought not to be countenanced ; it has too much resemblance to a save-trade:--but, on the other hand, the mode of seasoning this address to a right reverend palate, is fufficient to expose the motive of the whole to some suspicion. Some of these manufacturers may chance to be Disfenters! Hinc illa lacbryma!

• Happy should I be, were I enabled to add, that the most im- . portant article of the covenant above mentioned had been generally and faithfully fulfilled. When enquiry is made concerning their improvement in learning, the progress appears to be very inconfiderable indeed; and, which I am sure is a circumstance that will forcibly strike your Lord ship's mind, a very great majority of them are found to have been withdrawn from the service and discipline of the Church of England, to have imbibed the prejudices of Dillenters from the established church, and to be filled, if not with an un


qualified dinike of that worship to which they would have been trained, if they had remained at home, yet at least with a perfect indifference whether they turn to the Church on the rigat hand, or to the Conveoucle on the left.'

It is indeed sufficiently alarming that these poor innocents should be exposed to the danger of exchanging the virtuous orthodox priociples inculcated by the pastoral care of their parith clergy, amid the rags and penury of their fond parents, or in those picus wellsegulated receptacles, their parish workhouses ; for the refractory notions of a parcel of dirty mechanics, who are hererodox enough to expect people to earn the bread which they claim, by fulfilling their obligations. This danger might be effe&tually obviated if the parish ministers, from whole protection such children are taken, would recommend them to the atiention of the bishop of the diocele, or to the ministers of the respective parishes to which they are trans. ferred ; who on such information, would doubtleis gladly accept the trust, and, we apprehend, might assert their right to inaich them from the hands of heretical teachers, and train them within the established fold. This is the natural security that our ecclefiaftical confti.. tution provides, and is rather more becoming than shuffling off the obligation, and throwing the task on the manufacturers by bonds and securities, as his writer proposts.

Would the established clergy, instead of idly lamenting the progress of sectarists, become Diflenters themselves, so far as to emulate their conscientious vigilance in the various paftoral offices, they would meet them fairly on their common ground; and such a noble rival. thip in doing good could not fail of making falutary impressions on the general mass of the people; who have natural common sense enough to make comparisons, and draw inferences. Art. 49.

Memoirs of Hildebrard Fieeman, Esg. or a Sketch of the Rights of Man. A recent Story founded on Facts and written by himself. 8vo. pp. 66. 15. 6d. Edwards. 1792.

'Squire Freeman considerably impairs a good fortune because he is a friend to civil and religious liberty; and he alcers his opinion of the French Revolution, condemning what he before approved, because he makes a trip to Paris to see things as they really exitt ;and all this is founded on fact. If it be, it is not on any of those facts which are of daily occurrence; and which directly contradict this gentleman's theory of caules and effects.

A candid Inquiry into the Nature of Government, and the Rigbt of Reprefentation. 8vo. Pp. 2:0. 3 s. Owen. Picca dilly. 1792.

No; not a candid inquiry. Candour nerer can confilt with re. presenting the advocates for reform as men with whom 'every kind of means, however bale, however vicious and unfair, is jutlified by the end :' nor with saying, that, “ Perverfions of fact ; fuppreflion of cruth; wilt, faclious, and savage calumnies; what Chritianity forbids and honour revolts at; are among the arts by which, under the mak of religion, conscience, and humanity, there hypocrites

Art. 50.

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