have furprised and led captive fome of the best heads and hearts of the nation.' As little can it confift with candour to affirm, that the deftruction of nobility and monarchy are probably the ultimate views of all the confederacies, known by the names of Humane, Revolution, Conftitutional, and Whig focieties.' What! are these the views of all the Humane focieties? Surely not of that whofe profeffed object it is to restore fufpended animation! The inquirer does not indeed name this in particular: but he fays all humane focieties; and he exprefsly mentions one humane fociety, which feems no more likely to aim at the deftruction of nobility and monarchy, than the fociety for the recovery of perfons apparently dead, viz. the humane fociety in the Old Jewry for the abolition of the flave-trade. So that there is no faying, from the improbability of the charge, that he does not mean to include the other fociety alfo. This Old Jewry fociety is candidly charged with being guilty of every species of falsehood and misreprefentation.' It is afterward faid (page 53.) that the negroes in the Weft Indies are not flaves but fervants, fubject to no more fervitude, except as to the term of its duration, than a parish apprentice.' What kind of a reprefentation the author would call this, or whether, by parish apprentice, he would be understood to mean only the poor unhappy wretches who were whipped to death by the infamous Mrs. Brownrigg, he has not thought fit to explain. To us, fuch a reprefentation appears very like an infult on common fenfe. It would Such is the candour of a work which, in our opinion, would have been much more faithfully defcribed, if it had been entitled: A Superficial inquiry, &c. Instead of the firm foundation of reafon and natural right, the author takes his ftand on the rotten ground of antiquity. Like a cock on a dunghill, however, he only fcratches up the duft and dirt on the furface-but it is no matter. probably be all the fame, whatever he were to rake up. Were he to meet with a jewel, it does not appear, from any proofs here given of difcernment, that he would comprehend much more of its ufe and of its value, than the bird which, by his alternate fcratching and ftrutting, he fo much resembles. Art. 51. A Letter of Advice from a French Democrat to an English Revolutionist. 8vo. pp. 71. Is. 6d. Deighton. 1792. A forward tutor here furnishes his pupil with a recipe for making a revolution in Britain. Like many other pretenders, he seems to know very little about the art which he has undertaken to teach. He is no French democrat; nor does he appear ever to have been prefent where a revolution happened. If he ever did witnefs fuch an event, he must be a man totally incapable of investigating the caules of what he beholds. By attacking inftitutions and arrangements which a whole people revere and cherish, a man may make himself ridiculous: but he will never make a revolution. A much more likely method to effect fuch a purpose, is to prolong corruptions and abufes till they become perfect nuifances; to adhere to forms when the fubftance is gone, and when nothing remains but a mockery; to turn a deaf ear to every call for reformation; and, when a nation complains of burthens, to bind them tighter on its back. This will be fure to answer in time; except in countries where the inhabitants are so sunk and debased, as to have loft all fenfe of the dignity of their nature. Nay; even here, fuch conduct muft fucceed in the end. The laws of nature are invincible. They cannot be ultimately defeated. It is impoffible to confound, for ever, two fpecies of creatures, diftin&t by nature. Men cannot be quite turned into brutes. When, therefore, they have reached their ultimate point of depreffion, they will rife again and recover themfelves. The fpring can never wholly lofe its elafticity, by any preffure; and, the more it is bent, the greater will be the violence with which it will one day certainly recoil. Art. 52. An Inquiry into the Nature, Defects, and Abuses of the British Conftitution, with Strictures on the prefent Adminiftration. 8vo. pp. 134. 2s. 6d. Jordan. 1792. The first ten pages of this pamphlet would fatisfy a reasonable man, that nothing was to be expected, but lofs of time, from a farther perufal. We were obftinately fceptical; and fo, in defiance of evidence, growing ftronger and ftronger at every step which we advanced,-we toil'd on; grumbling all the way, more at our own and the author's abufes, than at thofe of the Conftitution, till we reached page 91, where we read: You must recollect, that, in the progreffion of arts, and civilization, there is a point, that, when arrived at, increases in that ratio; which, if not obstructed, hurries to perfection." Well! here," faid we," Scepticifm itfelf muft yield;" and fo, not knowing how we could anfwer it to the public, nor to ourselves, if we should fuffer our time and our patience to be abufed any farther, we clofed for ever the Inquiry into the Nature, Defects, and Abufes, of the British Conftitution.' Art. 53. Confiderations on Mr. Paine's Pamphlet, on the Rights of Man. 8vo. PP. 75. Is. 6d. Printed at Edinburgh, and fold by Cadell in London. 1791. This pamphlet is written in the fpirit of moderation and good fenfe. The author profeffes himself a friend to liberty: but, with Mr. Burke and the Abbé Raynal, he feems to like it better as a rhetorical common place than as a practical rule of life. He approves the principles of the French legiflators, and applauds their declaration of rights: but he condemns their practice. He examines Mr. Paine's remarks on finance, and vindicates the British government from feveral objections that have been brought against it. Laftly, he recommends a national fyftem of education. Speaking of our reprefentation, he fays: It has hitherto answered every good purpofe of practical government.' We apprehend, however, that the enormous load of taxes, which is fo oppreffive to fome claffes of the community, is no good practical purpose; and that fuch purpofe never would have been answered, if it had not, from the state of our reprefentation, been in the power of a minifter, during the American war, to fecure majorities by fomething more convincing than argumentative reafoning. Art. Art. 54. An Addrefs to the Right Hon. William Pitt, on the Probability of a Revolution in this Country. 8vo. 15. Ridgway. 1792. The prefent difcontents are attributed, by this writer, to the manner in which the French Revolution has been treated by the friends of Administration. Surprize, fufpicion, and refentment, he fuppofes, have been awakened by the attempts which have been induftriously made refpecting the affairs of France, to keep the public in the dark concerning important facts, to mifreprefent fplendid events, and to ridicule characters diftinguished by political wifdom and patriotism. Other caufes, of a more general and ferious nature, have probably concurred to produce the disease, the remedy for which is here proposed to our ftate-phyfician. The recipe is this: • Correct the abufes of government, reform the corruptions, and extend and liberalize the principles, of parliamentary reprefentation. Make the three branches of the legislature, what the elements of our Conftitution were intended to defcribe them. Allow the Crown to poffefs, and exercise, a juft portion of the executive power; but let not your perfonal refpect for the Man induce you to confent to an uncontrolled enjoyment of the increafing prerogatives of the King. Suffer the dignity and honour, as well as the power, of the Lords, to remain the characteristic of that House, and weaken not that neceffary principle of an Ariftocracy, by new and lavish creations of Peers, ennobled neither by birth nor independence, nor public fpirit, nor private. At the fame time root up every thing like an Aristocratic organization in the compofition of the third branch of the Legiflature, which ought to be a real Democracy, and a free, and fair, and unbiaffed reprefentation of the People. Check that spirit of extending the excife laws, which has fo difgracefully marked the tenour of your Adminiftration; and be cautious of plunging the nation into unneceffary wars, left, burdened already with taxes almoft beyond human bearing, they desperately feek for the enemies of Britain in the British Parliament. Finally, check that illiberal vehemence, with which your fupporters in both Houfes, as well as the coarfe writers in the Prints devoted to your fervice, difgrace their fentiments on the French Revolution, and which too evidently betray an irrefolute half-formed with of aiding the tyrannous defenders of the caufe of the ancient Monarchy, before you are convinced too late, that you have thus adopted the very means of fomenting a general defire of accomplishing a REVOLUTION in this Country. At thus, and the nation will be fatisfied and happy; thofe difcontented fpirits who would kindle the flames of public difcord, for the mere gratification of their own perverfe difpofitions, would exert them felves in vain; and all that you could expect from their recoiling efforts, would be the establishment and encrease of national confidence, and the warm and eager declaration of national gratitude.' This is wholesome advice, which every true friend to the British Conftitution must wish to see adopted! REV. JULY 1792. B b Art. Art. 55. A few Words to the Soldiers of Great Britain; with Obfervations on the Publication, entitled, "The Soldier's Friend." 8vo. 6d. Mafon. We are forry that this anfwerer of the Soldier's Friend has not folely devoted, nor even extended, his animadverfions to the matters of fact in queftion-the charge of injury faid to have been sustained, for a long courfe of years, by the poor foldiers, in respect of their pay. On this point, our man of few words has not uttered one word, by way of anfwer to the charge, but has contented himself with railing at and grofsly abufing the author of the Soldier's Friend,-whom he affects to confider merely as the ill-defigning tool of party and faction, intent only on fowing fedition, on debauching the minds of our foldiery, and on detaching their affection from the fervice in which they are engaged :-but what will invective and declamation avail againft argument, founded on [alleged] fals? For an account of the Soldier's Friend,' fee Rev. for May, p. 99. Art. 56. Memorial on the prefent State of Poland; to which is annexed, an Examination of a Pamphlet entitled, Memorial on the prefent State of Poland, 1791. By a Citizen. 8vo. PP. 90. 2s. 6d. Printed at Warfaw; Reprinted for Debrett, London, 1791. Of the firft of thefe tracts, the bafis is a confidential note, faid to have been written and circulated by our minifter at Warfaw. The purport of the note is to recommend an alliance between England, Holland, Pruffia, and Poland; by the terms of which, the trade now carried on with Ruffia, by England and Holland, is to be transferred to Poland; Pruffia is to lower the enormous duties now exacted on the tranfportation of Polish goods across the Pruffian dominions; and Poland, as a compenfation, is to cede Dantzick to Pruffia. The author of the Memorial feconds the propofitions contained in the confidential note, and the Examiner oppofes them; contending, that they are infidious; and affirming, that it would be highly detrimental to the Polifh intereft to part with the port of Dantzick. The pamphlets feem to be republifhed with a view of cafting an odium on the conduct and intrigues of administration. MISCELLANEOUS. Art. 57. The Jockey Club; or, A Sketch of the Manners of the Age. Part II. 8vo. pp. 186. 45. fewed. Symonds. 1792. The object of this publication is no ways different from the former; but as the human character is as diversified as the human face, there will be little danger of degenerating into dulnefs and infipidity. We fhall perfevere in our efforts to give a proper bias to popular favour, by directing its tide to the only channel where it ought to flow,-to explain to the people, of what fuperior materials the aristocracy of this country (vulgarly called their betters) is compofed,-on whom the loaves and fishes are conferred,—to ex *For an account of the first part, fee our New Series, vol. vii. P. 456. tirpate tirpate the root of all prejudice whatever,-and, by a wholefome, though by fome it may be deemed a fevere, fatire, to reform the vices of affluence and grandeur, which at prefent operate in every point of view, to the injury of morals, and to the detriment of general happiness. The luxury of courts and palaces ought to excite horror, as long as fuch glaring enormities exift, and fo many dreadful objects of famine and wretchednefs are every where visible. We fhould rejoice in taking away the fuperflux from the one, in order to afford fome charitable relief to the other. We execrate the injuftice and cruelty of robbing industry and labour of their hard-earned fruits, to fwell the pride, or pamper the luxury of a swarm of useless drones, that are always buzzing about the ears of princes.' DEDICATION, p. 2. The perfons who principally figure in this fecond part of thefe fatirical fketches, are [exclufively of the K-g and the Pre of W-s, who are introduced, with great freedom, in the dedication,] the Dukes of Cl-nce, Gl-c-r, Ñ-f-k, P-tl-d, L-ds, M-t-fe, and D-f-t; the Marquis of L-fd-ne; the Earls of G-f-d, C-v-y, Gr-v-r, L-c-t-r ; Lords Th-1—w, K-y-n, Jn T-fh-d, and H-kf-y; Judge B-11-r; Mr. Erkine, Admiral P-g-t, General Dalrymple, Capt. Topham, &c. &c. &c.-This author, next to Mr. Paine, is, perhaps, the boldest writer of this unrestrained age. THEOLOGY and POLEMICS. Art. 58. Arguments against and for the Sabbatical Obfervance of Sunday, by a Ceffation from all Labour, contained in the Letters of fundry Writers in the Theological Repofitory, with an additional Letter to the Rev. Dr. Priestley, in continuation of the fame Subject. By E. Evanfon, M. A. 8vo. pp. 175. Law. 1792. The obfervance of one day in feven, as a day of rest from business, and of public religious duties, is certainly one of the most ancient and venerable inftitutions of civil fociety. Whatever may be thought of the divine authority of this inftitution, concerning which different Chriftian writers have entertained different opinions, experience feems to have established a general idea of its wisdom and utility. If the general mass of mankind are to be confidered in any other light than as mere drudges, from whom the higher claffes are to draw, for their own convenience and emolument, as much labour as poffible; if all men have a right to perfonal enjoyment, and have duties to perform as rational beings capable of religion; it appears to be of great importance, both to the moral improvement and to the happiness of mankind, that there fhould be, at regular intervals, a ceffation from labour, and opportunities of receiving moral and religious inftruction. In this manner, wife and good men have hitherto been accustomed to reason:-but we are now to be taught that thefe conclufions, in favour of the obfervance of the fabbath, are only the effect of habitual prejudice; that the practice is to be put on the fame footing with monkifh fuperftitions; and that, to talk of the political benefit of an inftitution, which B b 2 annihilates |