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have forprised and led captive some of the best heads and hearts of the nation. As little can it consist with candour to affirm, that the destruction of nobility and monarchy are probably the ultimate views of all the confederacies, known by the names of Humane, Revolution, Confticutional, and Whig societies.' What! are these the views of all the Humane societies? Surely not of that whose professed objeat it is to restore suspended animation! The inquirer does not indeed name this in particular: but he says all humane societies; and he expressly mentions one humane society, which seems no more likely to aim at the destruction of nobility and monarchy, than the fociety for the recovery of persons apparently dead, viz. the humane society in the Old Jewry for the abolition of the slave-trade. So that there is no saying, from the improbability of the charge, that he does not mean to include the other society also.
This Old Jewry society is candidly charged with being guilty of every species of falsehood and misrepresentation. It is afterward said (page 53.) that che 'negroes in the West Indies are not saves but fervants, subject to no more servicude, except as to the term of its duration, than a parish apprentice. What kind of a representation the author would call this, or whether, by parish apprentice, he would be understood to mean only the poor unhappy wretches who were whipped to death by the infamous Mrs. Brownrigg, he has not thought fit to explain. To us, such a representation appears very like an insult on common sense.
Such is the candour of a work which, in our opinion, would have been much more faithfully described, if it had been entitled: A fuperficial inquiry, &c. Instead of the firm foundation of reason and natural right, the author takes his stand on the rotten ground of antiquity. Like a cock on a dunghill, however, he only scratches up the dust and dirt on the surface :-but it is no matter. It would probably be all the same, whatever he were to rake up. Were he to meet with a jewel, it does not appear, from any proofs here given of discernment, that he would comprehend much more of its use and of its value, than the bird which, by his alternate fcratching and strutting, he so much resembles. Art. 51. A Letter of Advice from a French Democrat to an English
Revolutionist. 8vo. PP: 71; is. 6d. Deighton. 1792. A forward tutor here furnithes his pupil with a recipe for making a revolution in Britain. Like many o:her pretenders, he seems to know very little about the art which he has undertaken to teach. He is no French democrat; nor does he appear ever to have been present where a revolution happened. If he ever did witness such an event, he must be a man totally incapable of investigating the caules of what he beholds. By actacking institutions and arrangements which a whole people revere and cherish, a man may make himself ridiculous : but he will never make a revolution. A much more likely method to effect such a purpose, is to prolong corruptions and abuses till they become perfect nuisances; to adhere to forms when the substance is gone, and when nothing remains but a mockery ; to surn a deaf ear to every call for reformation; and, ୨
when a nation complains of burthens, to bind them tighter on its back. This will be sure to answer in time ; except in countries where the inhabitants are so sunk and debased, as to have lost all fense of the dignity of their nature. Nay; even here, fuch. conduct muft succeed in the end. The laws of nature are invincible. Tbey cannot be ultimately defeated. It is impossible to confound, for ever, iwo species of creatures, distinct by nature. Men cannot be quite curned into brutes. When, therefore, they have reached their ultimate point of depreslion, they will rise again and recover them. felves. The spring can never wholly lose its elasticity, by any pres. fure; and, the more it is bent, the greater will be the violence with which it will one day certainly recoil. Art. 52. An Inquiry into the Nature, Defeats, and Abuses of be
British Confitution, with Seriąures on the present Administration. 8vo.
25. 6d. Jordan. 1792. The firit ten pages of this pamphlet would satisfy a reasonable man, that nothing was to be expected, but loss of time, from a farther perusal. We were obstinately sceptical ; and so, in defiance of evidence, growing stronger and tronger at every step which we advanced, --we toild on; grumbling all the way, more at our own and the author's abuses, than at those of the Constitution, till we reached page 91, where we read : 'You must recollect, that, in the progression of arts, and civilization, there is a point, that, when arrived at, increases in that ratio ; which, if not obstructed, hurries to perfection.'—“Well! here,” said we, “ Scepticism itself muft yield;" and so, not knowing how we could answer it to the public, nor to ourselves, if we mould suffer our time and our patience to be abused any farther, we closed for ever the Inquiry into the Nature, Defects, and Abuses, of the British Conftitution.' Art. 53. Confiderations on Mr. Paine's Pamphlet, on the Rights of Man.
15. 6d. Printed at Edinburgh, and fold by Cadell in London. 1791.
This pamphler is written in the spirit of moderation and good sense. The author professes himself a friend to liberty: but, with Mr. Burke and the Abbé Raynal, he seems to like ic better as a shetorical common place than as a practical rule of life. He approves the principles of the French legislators, and applauds ebeir declaration of rights : but he condemns their practice. He examines Mr. Paine's remarks on finance, and vindicates the British government from several objections that have been brought against it. Lastly, he recommends a national system of education. Speaking of our representation, he says: • It has hitherto answered every good purpose of practical government.' We apprehend, however, that the enormous load of taxes, which is so oppressive to fome classes of the community, is no good practical purpose; and that such purpose never would have been answered, if it had not, from the itate of our representation, been in the power of a minifter, during the American war, to secure majorities by something more convincing than argumentative reasoning.
8vo. pp. 75:
Art. 54. An Address to the Right Hon. William Pitt, on the Pro
bability of a Revolution in this country. 8vo. 1s. Ridgway. 1792.
The present discontents are attributed, by this writer, to the manner in which the French Revolution has been treated by the friends of Adminiftration. Surprize, fufpicion, and resentment, he supposes, have been awakened by the attempts which have been induftriously made respecting the affairs of France, to keep the public in the dark concerning important facts, to misrepresent splendid eveots, and to ridicule characters distinguished by political wisdom and patriotism. Other causes, of a more general and serious nature, have probably concurred to produce the disease, the remedy for which is here proposed to our state-physician. The recipe is chis:
• Corre& the abuses of government, reform the corruptions, and extend and liberalize the principles, of parliamentary representation, Make the three branches of the legislature, what the elements of our Constitution were intended to describe them. Allow the Crown to possess, and exercise, a just portion of the executive power ; but let not your personal respect for the Man induce you to consent to an uncontrolled enjoyment of the increasing prerogatives of the King. Suffer the dignity and honour, as well as the power, of the Lords, to remain the characteristic of that House, and weaken Dot that necessary principle of an Aristocracy, by new and lavish creations of Peers, ennobled neither by birth nor independence, nor public spirit, nor private. At the same time root up every thing like an Aristocratic organization in the composition of the third branch of the Legislature, which ought to be a real Democracy, and a free, and fair, and unbiased representation of the People. Check that spirit of extending the excise laws, which has so dirgracefully marked the tenour of your Administration; and be cautious of plunging the nation into unneceffary wars, left, burdened already with taxes almost beyond human bearing, they desperately seek for the enemies of Britain in the British Parliament. Finally, check that illiberal vehemence, with which your supporters in both Houses, as well as the coarse writers in the Prints devoted to your service, disgrace their sentiments on the French Revolution, and which too evidently betray an irresolute half-formed with of aiding the tyrannous defenders of the cause of the ancient Monarchy, before you are convinced too late, that you have thus adopted the very means of fomenting a general defire of accomplishing a RevoLUTION in this country. At thus, and the nation will be fatisfied and happy; those discontented spirits who would kindle the flames of public discord, for the mere gratification of their own perverse dispositions, would exert themselves in vain ; and all that you could expect from their recoiling efforts, would be the establishment and encrease of national confidence, and the warm and eager declaration of national gratitude.'
This is wholesome advice, which every true friend to the British Constitution must with to see adopted ! Rev. JULY 1792. Bb
Art. 55. A few Words to the Soldiers of Great Britain ; with Ob
servations on the Publication, entitled, “ The Soldier's Friend.” 8vo. 6d. Mason.
We are sorry that this answerer of the Soldier's Friend has pot solely devoted, nor even extended, his animadverfions to the matters of faât in queftion--the charge of injury said to have been sustained, for a long course of years, by the poor soldiers, in respect of their pay. On this point, our man of few words has not uttered one word, by way of answer to the charge, but has contented himself with railing at and grossly abusing the author of the Soldier's Friend,- whom he affects to consider merely as the ill-defigoing tool of party and faction, intent only on fowing sedition, og debauching the minds of our foldiery, and on detaching their affection from the service in which they are engaged :—but what will invective and declamation avail against argument, founded on (alleged] facts?
For an account of the Soldier's Friend,' fee Rev. for May, p. 99. Art. 56. Memorial on the present State of Poland; to which is an
nexed, an Examination of a Pamphlet entiiled, Memorial on the present State of Poland, 1791. By a Citizen. 8vo. pp. go. 25. 6d. Printed at Warsaw; Reprinted for Debrett, London, 1791.
Of the first of these tracts, the basis is a confidential note, said to have been written and circulated by our minister at Warsaw. The purport of the note is to recommend an alliance between England, Holland, Prussia, and Poland; by the terms of which, the trade now carried on with Russia, by England and Holland, is to be transferred to Poland ; Prusia is to lower the enormous duties now exacted on the transportation of Polish goods across the Prussian dominions; and Poland, as a compensation, is to cede Dantzick to Prussia. The autbor of the Memorial seconds the propofitions contained in the confidential note, and the Examiner opposes them; contending, that they are insidious; and affirming, that it would be highly detrimental to the Polish interest to part with the port of Dantzick. The pamphlets seem to be republished with a view of caitirg an odium on the conduct and intrigues of administration.
MISCELLANEOUS. Art. 57. The Jockey Club; or, A Sketch of the Manners of the Age. Part II*. 8vo. pp. 186. 45. fewed. Symonds. 1792.
The object of this publication is no ways different from the former; but as the human character is as diversified as the human face, there will be little danger of degeneratiog into dulness and infipidity. We shall perfevere in our efforts to give a proper bias to popular favour, by direcling its tide to the only channel where it ought to flow,-10 explain to the people, of what superior materials the aristocracy of this country (vulgarly called their belters) is composed, -on whom the loaves and fishes are conferred, --10 ex
* For an account of the firit part, see our New Series, vol. vii. P. 466.
tirpate the root of all prejudice whatever,-and, by a wholesome, though by some it may be deemed a severe, satire, to reform the vices of affluence and grandeur, which at present operate in every point of view, to the injury of morals, and to the detriment of general happiness.
The luxury of courts and palaces ought to excite horror, as long as such glaring enormities exist, and so many dreadful objects of famine and wretchedness are every where visible. We should rejoice in taking away the superflux from the one, in order to afford some charitable relief to the other. We execrate the injustice and cruelty of robbing industry and labour of their hard-earned fruits, to swell the pride, or pamper the luxury of a swarm of useless drones, that are always buzzing about the ears of princes.' DediCATION, p. 2.
The persons who principally figure in this second part of these Satirical sketches, are [exclufively of the K-g and the Pr-e of W-s, who are introduced, with great freedom, in the dedication,] the Dukes of Clence, G-C-r, N-f-k, P-t1-d, L-s, M-t-se, and D-s-; the Marquis of L-sd-ne; the Earls of G--d, C-v-y, G-v-r, 1-6---r; Lords Th-I-W, K-y-n, J-n T-h-d, and H-kl-y; Judge B-11-5; Mr. Erskine, Admiral P--g--t, General Dalrymple, Capt. Topham, &c. &c. &c.--This author, next to Mr. Paine, is, perhaps, the boldest writer of this unrestrained age.
THEOLOGY and POLEMICS. Art. 58. Arguments against and for the Sabbatical Observance of
Sunday, by a Cessation from all Labour, contained in the Letters of lundry Writers in the Theological Repository, with an addi. tional Letter to the Rev. Dr. Priestley, in continuation of the fame Subject. By E. Evanson, M. A. 8vo. pp. 175. 25. 6d.
The observance of one day in seven, as a day of rest from business, and of public religious duties, is certainly one of the most ancient and vencrable institutions of civil society. Whatever may be thought of the divine authority of this inftitution, concerning which different Christian writers have entertained different opinions, experience seems to have established a general idea of its wisdom and utility. If the general mass of mankind are to be considered in any other light than as mere drudges, from whom the higher classes are to draw, for their own convenience and emolument, as much labour as posible; if all men have a right to personal enjoyment, and have duties to perform as rational beings capable of religion ; it appears to be of great importance, both to the moral improvement and to the happiness of mankind, that there should be, at regular intervals, a cessation from labour, and opportunities of receiving moral and religious instruction. In this manner, wise and good men have hitherto been accustomed to reason:--but we are now to be taught that these conclusions, in favour of the observance of the fabbath, are only the effect of habitual prejudice; that the practice is to be put on the same footing with monkish fuperftitions ; and that, to talk of the political benefit of an inftitution, which
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