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of William, with respect to the Duke, may be justified on the general ground of the protection due to frangers. The remarks contained in the life of James are merely conjectural, and are evidently dictated by fufpicion and refentment. The offer which the Prince made to Bentinck, of ferving in perfon at the head of the troops against the Duke of Monmouth, is a fufficient confutation of his being concerned in that expedition. The Duke wrote to James, not accufing, but in expre l's terms acquitting, the Prince and Princefs of Orange of all fhare and participation of his crime; and he acknowleged that he gave his promise to them that he would never ftir. The validity of the teftimony of Orleans depends entirely on that of James, from whom he derived all his information. To all this our author adds:

• Many external circumftances, as well as the behaviour and true intereft of the prince of Orange, fuggeft ftrong arguments for his acquittal of the charge of inftigating the rebellion of Monmouth. Impelled by every motive of prudence, the prince of Orange lif covered the most anxious folicitude to maintain a strict friendship with his father-in-law, after his acceffion to the throne of England. Involved in domeftic and foreign dangers, his authority as ft:idtholder, constantly oppofed by the city of Amfterdam, which watched every opportunity to impair or overturn it, flood upon a tottering bafis. The restless ambition and resentment of France had desti ned his destruction. The only probable means of fecuring his perfo mal authority, and the peace and independence of the States, feemed to flow from the fuccour and the friendship of England. He was at this very time negociating an alliance against France, to which the acceffion of James was effential, and he entertained the most fanguine hopes of obtaining it. With regard to his views on the fuccef Bon of the crown of England, they were more likely to be obstructed, than promoted, by the expedition of Monmouth, whatever the event of it might be. The fuccefs of Monmouth, if it had taken place, would not have been easily overturned. His defeat could only tend to difcourage the hopes and future attempts of the d. ifaffected party in England, to increase the power and efstablish the throne of the reigning prince, and to remove, till the event of his death, all hopes of that elevation, at which the prince of Orange is represented to have precipitately grafped, by encouraging and sid ing rebellion.

I have the more largely infifted on this fubject, because a imodern hiftorian, Mr. M'Pherfon, has not only decided perempto rily concerning the prince of Orange's connexion with Monmouth, in his expedition against James, but, by an artful arrangement of his ftory, reprefents his conduct towards Monmouth, for many preceding years, as formed and directed with a view to that event. The following fentence particularly deferves to be attended to, because it feems to fuggeft matter for confutation of the opinion which it contains: "The generosity of the prince," fays he, “equalled not his

profe fed

profeffed zeal for the fervice of Monmouth. The unfortunate duke derived from his own plate and jewels, his whole treasure for profecuting the war." Is it not unfair to affume as a fact, what is not proved; nay, what is fo much against evidence; namely, the zeal of William for Monmouth's fervice? Is there not adduced by himself, a strong prefumption against what he afferts as a fact? He gave him no money. Was that like zeal for his service?

After all, the arguments now adduced are to be confidered as referring to this fingle queftion, "Whether there is any reason to believe, that the prince of Orange advised, or abetted, the expedition of Monmouth? Whether he was a partner in his guilt ?" The prince of Orange, we may naturally fuppofe, from the period of his marriage, had his thoughts much turned towards the throne of England. He cultivated an intimate connexion with many perfons obnoxious to the displeasure of his uncle and of his father-inlaw; his motives for fo doing might be of a mixed nature. He was not infenfible to the charms of ambition; the throne of England might one day devolve upon him in the line of fair facceflion, and prudence fuggefted a watchful eye to the ftate of parties, and to the ufe of all lawful means to increase his friends, and ftrengthen his intereft. Nor would it be candid to withhold credit to him for more generous motives. He was a true friend to the proteftant religion. Though enough anxious about maintaining his own authority at home, he wished alfo to fecure the independence of his native country, and to fave it from the invasion of an ambitious neighbour, who had marked it for his prey. The political conduct both of Charles and of James interfered with his private interest and most liberal purposes; and we need not wonder, that, in his turn, he endeavoured to thwart their measures, and for this end embarked with thofe in England, who ftruggled for the depreffion of regal power, and the fecurity of liberty and of the proteftant religion.

Having

We find in the Life of Principal Carstairs, by Dr. M'Cormick, an infinuation of the prince of Orange having been acceffary to Argyle's rebellion; an event generally understood to have been connected with Monmouth's invafion. In a paper of accounts of money disbursed by him for the prince's fervice, I find a fum stated to a Captain Wishart, who was master of the vessel in which Lord Argyle went home; of whofe honefty and willingness to ferve the prince, I am well affured." Life of Carstairs, p. 35.

Dr. McCormick adds, “This is the only evidence I have ever met with, that Monmouth and Argyle were countenanced in their undertaking by the prince of Orange. Here we have William giving money to the perfon who brought Argyle over, in order to affift the duke of Monmouth in his rebellion, at the very time when he is offering to James to come in perfon to extinguish that rebellion. The publisher leaves it to political cafuifts to folve this phænome

non."

It does not appear, that Carstairs gave this money to Wishart as a reward for having carried Argyle to Scotland, or that it was

Having thus briefly attended the author to the period when the revolution commenced, we fhall, for the present, take our leave of him; referving the examination of his relation of that great event, with its confequences, to a diftinct article. [To be continued.]

ART. X. A Journal of a Journey from the Cape of Good Hope, undertaken in 1792, by Jacob Van Reenen and others of his Countrymen, in fearch of the Wreck of the Hon. the Eaft India Company's Ship the Grosvenor; to discover if there remained alive any of the unfortunate Sufferers. With additional Notes, and a Map. By Capt. Edward Riou. 4to. pp. 51. 45. fewed. Nicol. Elegantly printed. 1792.

CAPTAIN Riou informs his readers, that the journey, of

which an account is here given, was undertaken during the time of his refidence at the Cape, whither he had proceeded, after the extraordinary difafter which had happened to his fhip [the Guardian;] with the particulars of which the public are already well acquainted. The Captain fays, that it was his wifh to have made one of the party, would the duties of his ftation have permitted fo long an abfence; that it was, however, a satisfaction, that he had not left that part of the world at the time when the travellers returned; that though exceedingly rejoiced, he was not in the least surprized that they had discovered the wreck of

given with the knowledge, or by the direction, of William. In the feries of political intrigues the prince of Orange was carrying on in Scotland, juftifiable by a regard to his own intereft, and alfo by a zeal for the caufe of liberty, he must of neceffity have left a difcretionary power to his principal agents, both with respect to the concerting of meafures, and the bestowing of money. Mr. Carftairs might approve of Argyle's expedition, though William was ignorant of it; and might pay Wishart money upon that very account, out of the fund which was put into his hands for the fervice of the prince and his friends in general, without any specification of the articles to which it was to be applied. Intrusted with a difcretionary power, the agents of the prince, from motives of delicacy, in the cafe alluded to, might conceal both the measures and difbursements which they authorifed. Confidering the needy condition of William's friends in Scotland, and the expence of their political negotiations, it is probable, that the master of every ship failing from Holland to Scotland, whom they could truft, would receive money from William's agents, to tranfmit to their friends, in repayment of fums which had been advanced, or were to be advanced in carrying on the patriotic caufe. Unless the purposes for which this fum was paid had been mentioned, or the privity of William to it afferted, his character contracts no ftain from this discovery.'

the

the Grosvenor *: yet that he could hardly credit the friends of Van Reenen, when they told him through what an extent of country he and his companions had paffed; fo great did the diftance and difficulties appear! The extent of their journey could not have been less than thirteen hundred miles! Being favoured with the perufal of the journal kept by M. Van Reenen, of which Capt R. affures us, this work is a literal translation, he thought it a duty incumbent on him to publish it, for the fake of the friends and relations of the unfortunate people who were fhipwrecked in the Grofvenor; and whofe ultimate fate, after they got on fhore, remained unknown, till this journey of inquiry after them put it out of doubt, that they all † perifhed, fooner or later, by the mercilefs hands of the favage inhabitants of the country, or by the effects of hunger, and other hardfhips which befel them, in the dreadful journey which they unfortunately undertook, in that vaft inhofpitable region,-in the forlorn hope of exploring their way to the Cape.

M. Van Reenen's journal evidently contains a fimple and honest detail of every day's occurrences, during the expedition; which may truly be called The Travels of Benevolence. In this remark, we must not omit to mention, that the journey was planned with the approbation of the Governor, Mynheer Van de Graaf. We are forry to add, that two of the party perifhed, in the course of this adventurous and hazardous undertaking: ane of the Dutch travellers [for they were attended by fome Hottentots, Caffrees, or Caffers, as they are here called,] loft his life in the following remarkable manner :

In the courfe of this long and dreary excurfion, the party killed a confiderable number of elephants §, for the fake, as we fuppofe, of obtaining their teeth. One of these noble animals fold his life at a dear rate; bravely revenging himself for his own death, and for that of his flaughtered kindred.

* Of the wreck, however, little was found remaining, except fome cannon, and a large quantity of iron ballaft.-The place where the difafter happened is here fixed, by computation, to have been fomewhere between lat. 27° and 28°.

+ Except about 12 mariners, who happily reached the Cape. See Monthly Review for April 1792, p. 470.

It is fuppofed that means of escaping by fea were not imprac

ticable.

The Dutch travellers confifted of twelve perfons, beside M. Van Reenep.

Alfo many deer, of the Elk kind, named Eelands. They likewife shot abundance of fea-cows, (the hippopotamus,) and buffaloes. The poor tenants of the forest were great fufferers from this invafion of their retreats!

A large

A large male elephant came (one day) up to the waggons. We inftantly pursued and attacked him; when after he had received feveral hot, and that he had twice fallen, he crept into a very thick thorny underwood. Thinking that we had fully done for him, Tjaart Van der Waldt, Lodewyk Prins, and Ignatius Mulder, advanced to the fpot where he was hid; when he rushed out, in a furious manner, from the thicket, and with his trunk catching hold of Lodewyk Prins, who was on horseback, trod him to death; and driving one of his tasks through the man's body, threw him into the air, to the distance of 30 feet. The others perceiving that there was no poffibility of escaping on horseback, difmounted, and crept into the thicket, to hide themfelves. The elephant having nothing now in view, but the horse of Van der Waldt, followed it for fome time; but turned about, and came to the fpot near to where the dead body lay, looking about for it. At this inftant our whole party renewed the attack, in order to drive him from the spot; when, after he had received feveral fhots, he again efcaped into the thickest of the wood. We now thought that he was far enough off, and had already begun to dig a grave for our unfortunate companion; at which we were bufily employed, when the elephant rushed out again, and driving us all away, remained by himself there on the fpot. Tjaart Van der Waldt got another fhot at him, at the dif tance of an hundred paces. We every one of us then made another attack upon him; and, having now received several more bullets, he began to ftagger; then falling, the Hottentots, with a fhot or two more, killed him, as he lay on the ground.

The fury of this animal is indefcribable. Those of our party who knew any thing of elephant-hunting, declared, that it [the one now killed] was the fleetest and most furious they had ever beheld. The Hottentots told us, that the elephant's cuftom is, whenever attacked, never to leave a dead body till they have fwallowed the whole carcafs; and that they themselves had feen a Hottentot killed, (much in the fame manner as our friend,) of whofe body they never could find the leaft remains. This, probably, would have been the fate of our companion, had we not made fo fevere an attack on the elephant.-We now fet about finishing the grave, in which we interred the body of the unfortunate Lodewyk Prins.'

The death of another of the party was occafioned by his falling into one of those pits which the Caffrees dig to catch, and at the fame time to kill, the elephant; the bottom of the pit being fortified with fharpened ftakes, the points of which are hardened in the fire. The pits are concealed from view, by branches of trees, and grafs laid over them.

To illuftrate this narrative, Capt. Riou has added to it a map of the eastern part of the fouthern extremity of Africa. This map, which, no doubt, may prove useful to the feaman, is compiled by the Captain himself, from authorities and materials, which he fpecifies, in his very proper and fatisfactory Introduction, prefixed to the Journal.

ART.

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