We cannot help observing, that the style of this work is not lefs contemptible than its contents are disgusting: so that it will probably foon fink into that oblivion, to which we moft heartily with it configned.

rum;

i.e.

ART. VII. GERH. NICOLAI HEERKENS, de Valitudine LiteratoOn the Influence of Study on the Health of the Learned, a Poem, in Three Books. By GERH. NIC. HEERKENS. Svo. pp. 240. Groninguen. 1792.

T° 'o be at once didactic and poetic, requires talents of a peculiar kind, which few, comparatively, poffefs; in this difficult line, M. HEERKENS makes a refpectable figure, and has here given a pleasing and interefting poem on a subject which we had not imagined capable of fo much embellishment. He writes in the elegiac Hexameter and Pentameter verse, and has illuftrated his text by a great number of notes, which contain curious and entertaining literary anecdotes.

ART. VIII. Lettres fur les Dangers, &c. i. e. Letters on the Danger of altering the primitive Conftitution of an Established Government; written to a Dutch Patriot. 8vo. pp. 400. London. [A Pretence.] 1792.

THE

"HE lamentable ftate of confufion in which France has for fome time paft been involved, together with the wild notions and violent conduct of the Jacobines and their adherents, must be deplored by every moderate and good man, not only on account of the evils of which they are the immediate occafion, but also as they furnifh the advocates for arbitrary government with a pretence for vindicating its oppreffion, and for reprefenting liberty as in every cafe incompatible with the peace and order of fociety.

The defign of these letters is fufficiently evident from their title: the writer appears to be a native of Holland, who, dreading left his countrymen, infected with the madness of pfeudopatriotifm, fhould attempt to overturn the political conftitution of their country, in order to attain a government purely democratical, endeavours to convince them that fuch an undertaking must be productive of great and innumerable evils, and is not likely to fecure the liberty which is its object. With this view, he uses the argumentum ad hominem, and sets out with admitting the right of a people, when intolerably oppressed, to rife against their fovereign and vindicate their freedom; in this cafe, he grants, as true, the maxim of Barbeirac, that the ge

neral

seral infurrection of a nation ought not to be termed a rebellion but, after having made these conceffions, he inquires into the expedience of fuch meafures, and endeavours to fhew that the evil produced by refiftance to an oppreffive government, is much greater than can refult from fubmiffion. For this purpose, he takes an hiftorical view of the ancient republics of Greece, which unfortunately furnish but too many examples of the inftability and mifery of ill-conftituted republics; and which, though not liable to the hereditary defpotifm of a single tyrant, were exposed to the oppreffion and violence of many.

The author's difcuffions of these subjects fhew him to be well acquainted with ancient hiftory: but we think that he would have given greater force to his arguments, if he had been more attentive to arrangement, inftead of writing in a defultory and digreffive manner, without order and perfpicuity of method.

It is, however, no more than juftice to acknowlege, that he has amply illuftrated this important thefis, that political revolutions generally produce great evils; and that the people, even after they have fucceeded in fhaking off the yoke under which they had groaned, are, in many cafes, either from their own levity and inconftancy, or from the treachery and ambition of those in whom they confide, forced to fubmit to a defpotifm worse than that to which they had before been fubject. In this view, the letters before us have their utility, as a feasonable warning to guard mankind against thofe reftlefs fpirits, who miftake licentioufnefs for liberty, and, under pretence of oppofing the exertions of arbitrary power, endeavour to throw off all those legal restraints, and that political fubordination, which focial order indifpenfably requires, and without which there can, in fact, be no liberty.

While, however, we beftow due praife on this author's intention, we must obferve that, like many writers on this fubject, he weakens his arguments by endeavouring to prove too much, and advances principles to which we cannot affent without renouncing all attachment to thofe on which every free conftitution is founded.

We allow, with the utmost concern, that the term liberty has too often been misunderstood; that wrong ideas of it have been the cause of much diforder, of many and great evils; and that an attachment to it has frequently been made a pretence for deftroying the peace of fociety, and for committing the worst of crimes. We grant that nothing can be more useful, especially in these times, than to rectify mifchievous errors of this nature, which tend to the fubverfion of all order :-but if, to do this, we run into the other extreme, and say, that liberty

is a mere phantom which never did and never can exist, we fhall fruftrate our own endeavours; and our readers, shocked at the falle principles on which we fet out, will be prejudiced against all the arguments that we can offer. We allow, with the author of thefe letters, that, among the ancients, the word liberty was often used to exprefs the freedom of the state from foreign controul: but we deny that this is the only fenfe in which it was employed, or in which liberty can be faid to exist. If our author be right, and liberty, as applied to the fubjects of a limited political conftitution, be a word without any meaning, it follows that the States of the United Provinces, as well as our own King and Parliament, muft have fallen into the groffeft abfurdity, when they have reprefented the liberties of their fubjects, (that is, their freedom from the arbitrary controul of their own governors as well as from that of foreign powers,) as fomething real and highly valuable.

Another circumftance, which we muft blame in this letterwriter, is his indifcriminate cenfure of all refiftance to a bad government, and of all revolutions whatever. What degree of oppreffion will vindicate a people in oppofing a bad government, and in attempting to establish a milder conftitution, is difficult to determine; and indeed it is one of thofe queftions which must be left theoretically undecided:-but the affertion, that no fuch cafe can poffibly happen, is peculiarly abfurd either in Dutchmen or Britons, who are greatly indebted to fuch revolutions for whatever is valuable in the political conftitutions under which they feverally live. Our author does indeed promise to enter into a particular view of the revolt of the United Provinces from Spain: but, inftead of doing this, he turns his attention to the late civil diffenfions in the Auftrian Netherlands; in which we readily allow that the word liberty was most wretchedly abufed, to favour the deteftable projects of ambitious aristocrats, and fuperftitious monks.

It is a pity that the advocates for power, as well as the friends of liberty, have, in their writings, given way to the influence of paffion, and have dealt more in declamation than argument: by attributing to each other views and defigns, which probably neither of them at first entertained, they have introduced fufpicions and averfions, which have already had terrible effects, and which may tend to produce the very evils that they profeffed to dread. This is remarkably the cafe with fome of those whom the French revolution called into the field of controversy; and especially with those who may be confidered as principals in the quarrel; for fuch it unfortunately became; we mean Mr. Burke and Mr. Paine. Both thefe writers have advanced many important truths and observations:

but

but they are both chargeable with many exaggerated and dangerous affertions. If the latter be accused of endeavouring to render us discontented with our excellent conftitution, and of fomenting a spirit of fedition; the former is not lefs guilty of roufing the paffions of the people in a manner equally unjuftifiable, and not lefs dangerous; for by abfurdly connecting the idea of enmity to our conftitution in church and state, with the mere approbation and commemoration of the probable deliverance of the French from their former yoke, he contributed greatly, though no doubt unintentionally, to excite that horrid fpirit which inspired the Birmingham rioters.

There were certainly many, and the writer of this article acknowleges himself of that number, who, from motives of the pureft benevolence, rejoiced in the French revolution. They fincerely difapproved of every circumftance of cruelty which might attend it, and lamented the unfortunate victims of popu lar refentment, with as much compaffion as they had before mourned over the fufferings of the martyrs to regal or minifterial oppreffion :-but, as they were not fo romantic as to expect that fo great and fudden a change could be effected without producing fome diforder, they confoled themselves with the hope, that these would be compensated by greater good, when momentary confufion and anarchy fhould give way to the regular administration of laws founded on juft and equal principles. If they approved of the conftitution afterward eftablished, it was only because it appeared to be in the main, and as far as circumftances would permit, founded on these principles; though they faw its deficiency in fome points of political arrangement, which, they hoped, experience might lead the nation to rectify:-but, alas!

"Quid leges fine moribus

Vana proficiunt ?"

The vices, which were formerly almoft confined within the limits of the court, feem now to have over-run the whole nation. The conftitution, which might have rendered it happy, is overturned; and, inftead of the empire of the laws, we see only at present the cruel tyranny of a mob. These scenes are too melancholy for us to dwell on them; and we are forry to obferve the indecent triumph with which they infpire the enemies of freedom :-but to reprefent these horrid exceffes as the neceffary confequences of a love of liberty, is as absurd, as to fay, that oppreffion is the infeparable effect of government, or perfecution that of Chriftianity.

When, after deploring the diftracted and calamitous fituation of France, we turn our views to our own country, we feel the warmeft gratitude for the conftitution with which it is APP. REV. VOL. VIII.

bleffed,

bleffed, and of which we entertain the highest admiration, without being blindly partial to thofe defects which have crept into its adminiftration. While we confider those as the worft enemies to the happiness of mankind, who, in pursuit of an Utopian plan of government, which can never be realized, wish to fubvert this beautiful political fabric, we cannot regard all in this hateful point of view, who are defirous of a more equal representation in parliament, and of abolishing thofe venal boroughs, than which nothing can be more inconfiftent with the fpirit of the English conftitution. They who affect to apprehend danger to the government from every one who wishes that the abufes, which have crept into it, may be reformed, would do well to confider, that nothing is more likely to produce difcontent among a free people, than that extreme jealoufy in government, which prompts it to watch every fentiment of liberty with an invidious vigilance, which deems the common course of the laws infufficient to fupport its prerogatives, and which eagerly embraces every pretence for fupplying their fuppofed inefficacy, by temporary expedients.

ART. IX. Recherches Phyfico-chymiques. i. e. Phyfico-chemical Inquiries. Memoir I. Small Quarto. pp. 40. Amfterdam.

1792.

To

o purfue chemical experiments with advantage, not only requires much time and application, but fometimes alfo demands greater pecuniary facrifices than a private individual may think confiftent with prudence. Influenced by these confiderations, and defirous that fuch inquiries may be profecuted in the manner most likely to extend the limits of fcience, fix of the moft refpectable gentlemen in Amfterdam have established a laboratory, under the direction of the ingenious Meffrs. DEIMAN, TROOSTWYK, NIEUWLAND, and BONDT. The memoir before us is the firft fruit of their labours; to which they have, with great propriety, prefixed a fhort dedication to the very liberal patrons of their undertaking; these are, HENRY HOPE, THOMAS HOPE, HENRY MUILMAN, PETER MUILMAN, PETER DE SMETH, and WILLIAM SIX, Efquires. We mention the names of thefe gentlemen with the utmost pleasure, as they afford an example highly worthy of imitation; for it is the employment, and not the mere poffeffion, of affluence, that reflects honour or difgrace on the rich; and certainly the promotion of useful knowlege is one of the nobleft purposes to which wealth can be applied.

These ingenious chemifts introduce their memoir by remarking, that, though the property of rendering atmospheric