citly believing every old woman's story concerning the Devil, find no difficulty in giving their full affent to the expreffions even of our tranflation of the New Teftament, concerning his agency on the bodies as well as fouls of men, might be faid to act imprudently in fhocking their prejudices, and disturbing their minds, by any explanation of a matter in itself of little importance, and of none to them who never had an idea of admitting a doubt concerning it:-but were he called to preach before a congregation confifting of perfons of greater knowlege, and more cultivated understandings, who had heard thefe parts of the New Teftament reprefented as highly improbable, and made the foundation of objections against our Saviour's miracles and the truth of his gofpel, it would then become, not merely prudent, but in fact his indifpenfable duty, to obviate thefe objections, by giving the most rational explanation of thefe paffages, of which they were, in his opinion, fufceptible. The circumstances of the latter are in fome mea. fure applicable to the writers whom our author fo unadvisedly blames. Concerning the Devil, M. De Vos is far from being explicit; and, though, he seems to think, that in many places the word may mean no more than the perfonification of an abftract idea, he is evidently of opinion that it fometimes indicates an evil fpirit. With regard to the account of the temptation, he acknowleges that Mr. Farmer's explanation is the molt probable: but to this he makes many objections, without offering any opinion of his own. With refpect to the demoniacs, he appears to grant that Chrift only made use of the common language of the Jews concerning thofe diseases which they afcribed to poffeffion: the ideas on this fubject, which he fuppofes a Jewish physician to entertain, are plausible: but we cannot imagine that the people in general thought thus rationally; as we know no reason why they fhould be fupposed to have been more free from fuperftitious notions, than thofe of the fame clafs among Chriftians of the prefent age.

We are concerned to obferve, that M. DE Vos fometimes fuffers his zeal to carry him too far, and to infpire him with prejudices unworthy of his better judgment. This is remarkably the cafe with refpect to the learned and excellent Wetstein, whom he frequently mentions with indications of averfion and contempt. We cannot fuppole him capable of intentionally mifreprefenting the fentiments of this great and good man: but furely his diflike got the better of his judgment, when he accufes him of want of caution and reflection, in writing a paffage which is thus quoted and tranflated: "I maintain that, in ertain cafes, a useful writer not only may, but muft, make use of argumente

argumenta ad hominem (he certainly means here falfe conclufions); for how can he otherwife bring his readers over to his own opinions? All means therefore, without which an ufeful and lawful purpose, which is neceffary to the happiness of mankind, cannot be attained, are hence rendered ufeful, lawful, and even neceffary." The manner in which this paffage is quoted is not leis partial and unfair, than the fuppofition, that falfe conclufions are here meant, is groundlefs; for the fentence immediately preceding, which determines the author's meaning, is entirely left out. We fhall give the original paffage, and leave our readers to form their own opinion:

Argumenta funt vel omnium, vel certorum temporum. Quædam enim ita funt evidentia, ut de illis inter omnes conveniat. Sunt alia argumenta aque vera quidem, fed non omnibus æque accommodata; et fieri poteft, ut quis talia argumenta vel non capiat, vel iis non multum moveatur: contra ut apud ipfum argumenta probabilia, petita aliquando ex opinionibus quas pro veris et certis habet, licet forte nec certe fint nec vera, multo plus ponderis habeant. In hoc cafu fcriptorem utilem argumentis ad hominem uti non folum posse, verum etiam debere contendo Qua enim alia via lectorem in fuam fententiam perduce!? Omnia autem media, fine quibus finis utilis, legitimus, et ad falutem bominis neceffarius, obteneri non poteft, eo ipfo funt utilia legitima, ime et neceffaria. Ifta vero agendi ratio plane diverfa eft a methodo fophiftarum, qui fcientes et volentes vel novis erroribus animos hominum imbuunt, vel veteribus ipforum erroribus novos fuperftruunt: qui enim receptis alicujus opinionibus utitur ad veritatem falutarem infiillandam, et ftudium virtutis promovendum, tantum abeft ut illi injuriam faciat, ut potius ingens beneficium præftare fit exiftimandus.'

""

We fhall conclude this article by obferving, that the best way of obviating the dangerous confequences which fome perfons feem to apprehend from questions of this nature, is to difcufs them with candour and frankness. To betray a fear of inquiring after truth, and a reluctance to entrust mankind with it, can never be of service to the interests of the gospel, but may afford matter of triumph to its enemies. We allow that a propofition, in itself true, may become hurtful by being extended beyond its proper bounds: but our reluctance in granting it will not prevent its being affumed, and will rather provoke than prevent the abufe: the more it is liable to this abuse, the greater is the neceffity for inveftigating it without referve, and for marking its limits with all the precifion of which its nature. is capable.

ART. XI. Hifloire de la Revolution de 1789, &c. i. e. Hiftory of the Revolution of 1789, and of the Establishment of a Conftitetion in France; preceded by a concife View of the fucceffive Adminiftrations which brought on that remarkable Event. By two Friends to Liberty. Evo. 5 Vols. About 400 Pages in each. Paris, 1790 and 1791. Imported by De Boffe, London.

IT

T will immediately occur to every one who reads the title of this work, that a hiftory of the Revolution, written by a native, must have an advantage over one compofed by a foreigner, on account of the greater opportunities which the former writer has than the latter, of acquiring a more accurate knowlege of facts, and of more intimately investigating the fprings and fources of action. On the other hand, however, it may be urged with reafon, that every native, being more or lefs exposed to have his private interefts affected by thofe violent fhocks, which have convulfed the kingdom of France from one end to the other, and have involved the concerns of every rank and order of men, from the highest to the lowest, is more likely to have his paffions engaged, and his judgment warped from that calm and fteady impartiality, which is requifite to conftitute a good and faithful historian.

In the course of the prefent work, however, as far as it goes, we have met with nothing to authorize any charge of partiality, or undue prejudice. The author, or authors, if there be really more than one perfon concerned in the undertaking, are, it is true, friends to liberty: but they are not friends to licentioufnefs. Their language and fentiments, at times, are more free than may accord with the lofty notions of aristocratical arrogance: but they are no where fuch as will offend the feelings of a generous mind, fenfible of the value of liberty, and attached to the moderation and fobriety wherein it really confits. They every where inculcate a love of order, a refpe& for the laws, a reverence for the conftitution, and a virtuous and liberal obedience to the magiftrates who act under its authority. They pay a proper tribute of praise to a king, whom the nation, at an early period of the revolution, ftyled The Reflorer of Liberty; who, on account of the actual fufferings, and alarming apprehenfions, to which he has been exposed, merits compaffiont; and who, by the perfonal facrifices which

he

*It is not yet finished. In an advertisement, prefixed to the fifth volume, the authors fay, that another volume, which is in the prefs, will complete the work.

In the report made to the king in council on the 27th Dec. 1788, by M. Necker, on the mode of electing the deputies to the States General,

he has been obliged to make, has a claim to be treated with tenderness.

After haftily running through the adminiftrations of Meffrs. Necker, Joly de Fleury, d'Ormelon, Calonne, and the Archbishop of Touloufe, (afterward Archbishop of Sens,) in the years 1787 and 1788, the authors defcribe the general joy excited by the return of M. Necker, at the latter end of the lastmentioned year; and the general fermentation and intrigues raised by the preparations for the affembling of the states in the beginning of the next. They then enter on the more immediate object of their history, and detail the events of the revolution from the 5th of May 1789, the day on which the States General were first opened at Verfailles, to the Federation in the Champ de Mars on the 14th of July 1790. Within this period, feveral interefting incidents, debates, decrees, &c. occur; efpecially the confolidation of the three orders of the States General, into one National Affembly; the armed conspiracy formed for the diffolution of that affembly; the taking of the Baftile, with fome anecdotes not commonly known; the entrance of the King into Paris on the day following; the horrid maffacres of Mellrs. Foulon and Berthier at Paris, and of the Marquis de Belzunce at Caën; the debates on the declaration of the rights of man, and on the abolition of the feudal fyftem, and of every fpecies of fervitude; the horrors of the 5th and 6th of October, and the circumftances which led to the perpetration of that fatal tragedy; the plan for the new divifion of the kingdom, and for obtaining a fair and equal reprefentation; the debates on the question whether the clerical poffeffions were the property of the public; the condemnation, execution, and dying depofition, of the Marquis de Favras; the

66

General, thefe words occur: “ Ab! Sire, encore un peu de tems, et tout fe terminera bien; vous ne direz pas toujours, je l'efpere, ce que je vous ai entendu prononcer en parlant des affaires publiques: “ je n'ai eu (difiez vous,) je n'ai eu depuis quelques années que des inftans de bonbeur." It was recorded, in a respectable paper in this country, that on the Monday following that difgraceful day, which would harmonize better with the annals of flavery than with those of liberty, the 10th of Auguft laft, when the defpotic fury of a party, whose freedom feems to confit in fuffering nobody to be free but themselves, over-awed a weak and timid Affembly, and triumphed over the conftitutional will of the nation,-it was recorded, we fay, that on the Monday following that day, the King fignified to the Affembly his defire to abdicate formally the crown. "All that he farther requested, was fuch a ftipend as the nation fhould not deem exceffive for the fupport of his family. Retirement was the only hope they bad left!"

abolition of the religious orders; the difturbances at Rennes, Marfeilles, Toulon, Touloufe, Nifmes, and feveral other places; and the ceremony of the Federation.

These several events, and many more of lefs importance, as we have obferved, are related with candour and fairness, but with a zealous attachment to the caufe of liberty. If any thing be liable to objection in the narrative, it is, that the authors are too fparing of their dates, and fometimes enter more into minute details than will please an English reader: but then we should remember, that it is originally for the French reader that the work is compofed.

ART. XII. Hiftoire Abrégée de la Mer du Sud, &c. i.e. An Abridged History of the South Seas, illustrated by feveral Maps: dedicated to the King, and compofed for the Inftruction of the Dauphin. By M. DE LA BORDE. 3 Vols. 8vo. Paris. 1791. Imported by De Boffe, London.

אן

IN an advertisement prefixed to this work, M. DE LA BORDE obferves, that he claims no great merit on account of the prefent performance, as it is only a collection of extracts from the principal voyages made in the South Seas, illuftrated occafionally by a few reflections, and rendered more perfect by the correction of fome errors. His motives for undertaking this tafk were two: first, to collect, in a small space, that which, before, was to be fought amid fifty volumes in quarto; and, fecondly, to afford an explanation of a map of the South Seas, in the production of which the author has been engaged during upward of ten years.-It appears, by the conclufion of his advertisement, as well as by other parts of his writings, that M. DE LA BORDE is offended with the criticifms of pretended judges, as he ftyles them, who, without genius to produce a work of their own, claim a right to cavil at his productions. To thefe he only deigns to anfwer-Go, and do better.

Previously to entering on his fubject, he informs his readers that, after having laboured for many years in producing this hiftory, accompanied with the neceffary charts, he was unfortunate enough to find, in the very week of its intended appearance, that a treatife was published by M. Fleurieu, on a part of the fubject in the difcuffion of which he was occupied. He is very anxious to prove that his opinions, though the fame as thofe of M. Fleurieu, were not borrowed from him, but were delivered publicly to the Academy of Sciences, before the promulgation of thofe of his learned cotemporary: but while he fpeaks with high encomiums of the character of M. Fleurieu, he avows himself fenfibly offended that, in this gentleman's late

work,