more extensive theme. We are much indebted, therefore, to Mr. Cayley, who has diligently attended to the facts of Sir Walter's life, and defcribed them in a plain, fimple, but very interefting narrative. Having premifed this, little feems to be neceffary on our parts, but to enable the reader to judge for himfelf, by inferting one or two fpecimens from the work itself. We fhall take our firft example from the earlier part of Sir Walter's life, which is lefs familiar perhaps to the generality of readers. "Lord Bacon has preferved the following anecdote of Sir Walter Ralegh, while he was a student at Oxford. A cowardly fellow, who was a very good archer, having been grofsly in fulted by a neighbour, complained to Ralegh, and afked his advice how he should repair the wrong which he had fuffered.' Ralegh's anfwer was, challenge him to a match of fhooting." "Wood at laft juftly concludes, that it is uncertain how long Ralegh remained at the Univerfity. It is ftill more uncertain, that he was ever a ftudent in the Middle Temple, which the fame writer afferts, because he had seen verfes, written by him in that Inn of Court. Sir Robert Naunton, who was Secretary of State at the time of Ralegh's death, configns him to the study of the law on quitting Oxford; and the greater part of Ralegh's biographers agree with Sir Robert in this point, having probably copied him. Mr. Lewis Theobald, however, in a later day, conceived it to be fo obvious an error, that no merit could be claimed for correcting it. For, at his arraignment, Sir Walter, in a reply to the Attorney General, lays a heavy imprecation on himself, if ever he read a word of law, or ftatutes, before he was a prisoner in the Tower.' In addition to this, Hooker informs us, that after Ralegh had laid a good ground to build his actions on' at the Univerfity, he went to France, which is alfo confirmed by Camden, by whofe account, Sir Walter's age could not exceed feventeen, at the time of his departure to that country. "Ralegh had the advantage of a period of unufual political activity to exercife and encourage his genius at his entrance into life. The glorious reign of our illuftrious Elizabeth, lefs diftinguifhed by its length, than by the vigour and fuccefs of her government, amid almoft unexampled difficulties at home and abroad, and by the variety of important events occurring in the courfe of it, commenced in the feventh year of his age. The early part of it was employed in changing the odious fcenes of perfecution, which the reign of her predeceffor had exhibited, and in promoting with the foundeft policy, the great work of the Reformation.. When, at a later period, France became involved in civil war, Elizabeth, to avert a threatened danger from the encroaching power of Spain, aided the diftreffed and humble ftates of Holland. Philip, in political reprifal, raised ftubborn infurrections in Ire land; land; and the Pope, to give the rebellion permanence and plau. fibility, embraced that kingdom in the circle of St. Peter. "It were impertinent to my fubject to dwell on the origin of the Hugonots, and their oppofition to the Guifards-to reconcile Queen Elizabeth's defence of another Prince's oppreffed fubjects, at a moment when imminent danger, from fuch oppreffions, threatened her own; or, to aggravate her motives against France, in particular, from the recent violation of covenants relative to the Turrender of Calais. Suffice it to obferve, that with her hands full at home, by the infurrections of the Earl of Northumberland and Leonard Dacres, fhe was not wanting in commiferation and affiftance to the perfecuted Proteftants of France. Having made ufe of her influence with other Princes of the fame perfuafion in promoting the caufe, fhe accepted a pledge of jewels against a loan of money to the Queen of Navarre, and permitted Henry Champernon, a relative by marriage to the Earl of Montgomery, to march into France with a felect troop of well-equipped volunteers, one hundred in number, and all gentlemen. Let valour decide the conteft' was the motto on their ftandard. In the lift were Philip Butfhid, Francis Barcley, and Walter Ralegh; the two firft afterward men of note; the laft the most distinguished of them all, then a youth, and commencing his career. "This felect troop of horfe arrived in the French camp in October, 1569, (the beginning of the third civil war), and was received with great diftinction by the Queen of Navarre, and the Princes. Although the French writers, as well as our own, leave us in the dark as to its particular fervices in France, or the time of its continuance there, we may conclude that Ralegh gained confiderable reputation in that country. Hooker fays, he spent good part of his youth in wars and martial fervices there;' and another writer, who seems alfo to have known him, adds, fpeaking of his education, it was not part, but wholly gentleman, wholly foldier.' From thefe circumstances we may not only account for the chafm, which we find about this period in all the memoirs of Sir Walter's life; but may alfo prefume, that, viewing the extenfive and inftructive scene of extraordinary events, which their political theatre at this time exhibited, he was initiated by this (then) polite, warlike, and diplomatic people, in thofe civil and military accomplishments, which he afterward fo confpicuoufly difplayed. "Ralegh was ftill in France after the death of Charles IX. an event which took place about five years after his arrival in that kingdom; and as this interval embraces nearly thirty battles, fieges, treaties, and capitulations, the fchool muft of neceffity have proved a fine one for the initiation of our young volunteer. In his Hiftory of the World he has bequeathed us the following memorandum of this period. I remember it well, that when the Prince of Condy was flain after the battle of Jarnac, (which Prince, together with the Admiral Chaftillon, had the conduct 8 conduct of the Proteftant army) the Proteftants did greatly be wail the lofs of the faid Prince in refpect of his religion, perfor and birth; yet comforting themselves, they thought it rather an advancement, than an hindrance to their affairs. For fo much did the valour of the one out-reach the advisedness of the other, as whatsoever the admiral intended to win by attending the advantage, the Prince adventured to lofe, by being over-confi. dent in his own courage.' By what means Ralegh escaped the horrible maffacre of Paris and the provinces, on the evening of St. Bartholomew, 1572, we are left in uncertainty. It is probable, however, that he found refuge in the Ambaffador Walfingham's houfe, in company with Lord Wharton, young Sidney, and others. "His return to England is fuppofed to have taken place in the year 1575. The following poem, by Walter Rawely, of the Middle Temple, was published the next year, prefixed to a fatire intituled the Steele Glafs, by George Gascoigne, Efq. a writer of repute in those days: "Sweet were the fauce would please each kind of taste, "Tho' fundry minds in fundry fort do deem, "Wherefore, to write my cenfure of this book, From prince to poor, from high estate to low. "This is the poem alluded to at page 6, and which led Wood to pronounce Ralegh a ftudent in the Middle Temple. The manner in which the name is written (Rawely) would make us at least hesitate about afcribing this piece to Sir Walter; other circumftances, however, render it probable that he was the author of it. Among thefe we may mention, Gafcoigne's acquaintance with Lord Grey de Wilton, appearing by his dedication to this and other of his works, and Ralegh's fervice in Ireland, as we shall find, under that nobleman, Gafcoigne had led a life fimilar to to that of Ralegh in foreign travels, and military fervice; and fubfcribed the very motto tam Marti quam Mercurio to his picture prefixed to the above fatire, which is fo well known to have been afterward affumed by, or appropriated to Ralegh himself. To these probabilities in favour of an acquaintance having fubfifted between them, we may add the internal evidence of the poem itself, which exhibits throughout that folid axiomatical turn fo diftinguishing Ralegh's mufe." P. 11. The next fpecimen we fhall give demonftrates Mr. Cayley to be qualified for ftill higher undertakings, under the aufpices of the Mufe of Hiftory, and we hope at no diftant period again to fee him called to the honourable exercife of his pen. "In examining the afperfions which have been caft on the character of Sir Walter Ralegh, our attention is naturally attracted by a late celebrated writer, who, but too plainly dif covers himself to have been a countryman of King James; and that he felt that Monarch's conduct to the Knight to have been a material blemish in his reign. With a juft fenfe of Mr. David Hume's merit on many of the fubjects which have engaged his attention, I feel bound on the prefent occafion, to avow my opinion, that the picture he has drawn of the reign of James I. is, to fay the leaft of it, a bad likeness. My concern, however, is only with that part of it which bears reference to Sir Walter Ralegh, whom I find Mr. Hume to have placed in a light peculiarly unfavourable; and as, from the popularity of his History, the Knight's character may have fuffered with pofterity, by his reprefentation, an enquiry into the juftice of it may not be deemed improper in this place. "It will be found by the foregoing pages, and the authorities which they refer to, that Mr. Hume, in his Hiftory of Eliza- ́ beth, has not always been accurate in his incidental notices of Ralegh; a circumftance which may eafily have arifen from his not being at the pains, as a general hiftorian, of entering minutely into the life of an individual. In the first chapter, how. ever, of the reign of her fucceffor, he is bold enough to inform us, it appears from Sully's Memoirs that Ralegh fecretly of. fered his fervices to the French Ambaffador.' From which Mr. Hume prefumes, that, meeting with a repulfe,' Ralegh had recourfe to the Flemish Minifter; yet he confeffes, that on his trial there appeared no proof, nor any circumftance which could juftify the Knight's condemnation. Referring the reader to Sir Walter's introduction to Sully, in 1601, (noticed in Chap. VI.) I tranfcribe the following paffage, the only one in Sully's Memoirs which could lead Mr. Hume to his conclufion. I then requeft him to recollect Ralegh's enmity to Spain, and to decide for himself how far the hiftorian was warranted in his imputation regarding France; alfo, whe M BRIT, CRIT. VOL. XXVI. AUG. 1805. ther ther this paffage affords not a strong argument against the plot with Spain, of which the Knight was accused. "I now only wanted (the Ambassador writes) to be as well acquainted with the Spanish councils, as I was with thofe of Britain and the North. Or, in other words, I wanted only to know what were the real defigns of that crown, what propofitions fhe had already made to the King of England, how they had been received; and finally, what fteps fhe intended to take for the accomplishment of her defires. For barely to understand that the King of Spain fought to detach England from France, and the Low Countries, was knowing nothing, or at moft very little. It was fufpected that Spain meditated fomething of much greater importance. This might be conjectured from the information which I had already received from the canon at Canterbury; and it appeared fo much the lefs to be neglected, becaufe Aefens and Barneveldt both at the fame time affirined the certainty of it, the one at Paris, the other at London. I therefore used my utmost, endeavours to come at the truth. What I was told by my Lord, Cobham and Sir Walter Ralegh was conformable to this informa tion. But what made the greatest impreffion upon me was, that the Earl of Northumberland, whom I had gained by the offer of a confiderable penfion, under the name of a prefent, with great fecrecy one night, when I was going to bed, fent his secretary to acquaint me with the following particulars, &c." Sir Walter's laft voyage to Guiana, his return and death, are related by Mr. Hume at the beginning of the 48th Chapter of his Hiftory, in a fpirit of prejudice against the Knight fufficient to fix his doom with every fuperficial reader. In a note, how.. ever, at the end of the volume, we are informed, that fome of the facts in this narrative which feem to condemn Ralegh, are taken from the King's declaration, which Mr. Hume concludes. to be of undoubted credit. This affertion must aftonish every reader, who reflects on the circumftances under which that paper was written. Would it not, on the contrary, be more just to affert, that Mr. Hume's ufe of it invalidates the whole of his narrative? "Yet the hiftorian ftops not here, but proceeds to inform us in the fame note, that the moft material facts in his narrative ⚫ are confirmed either by the nature and reafon of the thing, or by Sir Walter's own apology, and his letters. This he is at much pains to prove by feventeen arguments, which, as the facts are faid to be thus confirmed, I have, for the fatisfaction of such readers as may feel curiofity on the fubject, examined at length in the Appendix, and have there, I hope, fufficiently proved, that they are the offspring of prejudice, fuperficial information on the fabject, or wilful mifreprefentation of it. "It is more difficult to appreciate with juftice the character of Sir Walter Ralegh, than to decry it upon a view thus prejudiced and confined. For, alas! no fooner do we attempt a more inli mate |